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Full text of "The Canadian Railroader Weekly. Vol. 1 No. 5: March 1919"

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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


The Road to Independence 


Trouble comes to all of us at one time or another. 

The man with a sung bank account, is fortified 
against the “slings and arrows of outrageous for- 
tune”. 

It is the duty of every man to lay aside something 
for the inevitable rainy day. 

Open a Savings Account to-day— and take your 
first step along the road to Independence. 


THE MERCHANTS BANK 


Established 1864. 


Head Office: Montreal. OF CANADA 


With its 52 Branches in Alberta, S Branches in British Columbia, 22 Branches in 
Saskatchewan, 19 Branches in Manitoba, 102 Branches in Ontario, 30 Branches in 
Quebec, 1 Branch in New Brunswick and 2 Branches in Nova Scotia serves Rural 
Canada most effectively. 


Write or call at Nearest Branch. 


ACCIDENT AND SICKNESS INSURANCE 



[S Yon; FAMILY PROTECTED ? 

FOR A FEW CENTS PER WEEK OUR 


“MINIMAX” 


ACCIDENT AND SICKNESS POLICY 


will guarantee the payment of your salary plus large capital sums and other benefits. 


Write for descriptive folder giving full particulars. 


Fire, Automobile and Other Insurances Transacted 


GUARDIAN 


THE 


INSURANCE COMPANY OF CANADA 

Head Office: Guardian Building, 160 St. James Street, MONTREAL 


APPLICATIONS FOR AGENCIES INVITED 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page f 







(yuaiitti 


STEEL & IRON 
PRODUCTS 


O F 


Every Description 

THE - 

STEEL COMPANY 

OF 

CANADA 


LIMITED 

HAMILTON - MONTREAL 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 





Page II 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


COAL 

Bituminous, Steam Sizes, for Prompt 
Shipment ex Docks at Montreal, 
Quebec and Three Rivers also 
f. o. b. Cars at Mines in 
Pennsylvania. 

MONTREAL COAL 

AND DOCK COMPANY 

LIMITED 

WHOLESALE 

Steam Coal 

Century 

Coal and Coke Co. 

LIMITED 

310 Dominion Express Bldg., 
MONTREAL, Que. 

Telephone — Main 7300. 

QUALITY UNSURPASSED 

Docks and Shipping 
Wharves 

Three Rivers, Montreal 
and Quebec 

Head Office: 

Bank of Toronto Building, 

MONTREAL 

OGDENSBURG COAL & TOW’G CO., Limited 

Sale Agents in Montreal 

for the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western Coal Companies 

SCRANTON COAL 

The Standard Anthracite 

Head Office : 134 McCORD ST., MONTREAL, Que. 

GEO. HALL COAL CO’Y 

OF CANADA, LIMITED 

* 

Lehigh Valley Anthracite 
Reynoldsville Bituminous 

Herald Building, MONTREAL 

THE 

HARTT & ADAIR 

COAL 

COMPANY 

146 Notre Dame Street West 

MONTREAL, Canada. 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page II f 



OUR GAR ANTEE 

“Satisfaction or 
Money Refunded” 


Nature’s Covering 

Any doctor will tell 
you that the natural 
clothing which should 
be worn next the body 
is wool, because in all 
seasons it keeps the 
temperature of the 
body uniform — warm 
in winter and cool in 
summer. Jaeger 
underwear is made in 
all weights for Men, 
Ladies and Children, 
to suit all seasons. 
For sale at JAEGER Stores and Agencies 
throughout Canada. 

A fully illustrated catalogue free on 
application. 

dr. Jaeger i ** il s^t!L o#l! “co. limited 

Toronto Montreal Winnipe# 

British “founded / 883 ” 


Proves to you our faith in 
our merchandise and our 
unalterable purpose to 
deal fairly and squarely 
with everyone. 

On this purpose we are 
building business in Mon- 
treal’s Largest Store. 




RAILROAD GAUNTLETS 

TRADE MARK 

Made of Genuine Chrome Tan Railroad Stock 

BEST VALUES IN CANADA 
OUTWEAR ALL OTHERS 

SOLD EVERYWHERE IN CANADA — MADE BY 

Acme Gloves Works Limited MONTREAL 


DENT’S 



GLOVES 


For Upwards of Two Centuries — THE WORLD S BEST 


At all Good Stores Throughout Canada 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 



Page IV 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


E. J. CHAMBERLIN, Pres . J. W. SMITH, Vice-Prcs. W. R. BEATTY, Secretary. 

The Colonial Lumber Company Limited 


LUMBER 

MANUFACTURERS 


1 

Head Office and Mills : PEMBROKE, Oflt. 


THE 

Pembroke Lumber Co. 


Manufacturers and Dealers in 

White and Red Pine 
Lumber and Timber 


PEMBROKE, - - Ontario 


Please monition The Canadian Railroader 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page V 



It’s because you get more loaves of bread from your bap: of FIVE 
ROSES flour that it saves you money. It makes more loaves be- 
cause it absorbs more water — it's a thirstier flour. 

FIVE ROSES FLOUR 

for BREAD, CAKES, PUDDINGS, PASTRIES 

Then, it eliminates bread waste by bettering bread quality. It saves bread 
by keeping fresh. Let FIVE ROSES help you buy more Thrift Stamps. 

LAKE OF THE WOODS MILLING COMPANY, LIMITED 

MONTREAL 


CLARK’S 
PORK & BEANS 


ALWAYS READY 

A MEAL IN A 
MOMENT 



ALWAYS WELCOME 

SATISFYING and 
ECONOMICAL 


| CANADA FOOD HOARD Licence No 14-21 ft | 

W. Clark Limited MONTREAL 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page VI 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 



Locomotives 


Long Experience 

New Equipment 

Expert Workmen 

— are guarantees that our Locomotives 
will give satisfaction 

= WE BUILD = 

Locomotives for all varieties of service 


Canadian Locomotive Co. Limited 

KINGSTON, ONTARIO, CANADA 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page VII 



NATIONAL MOTOR TRUCKS 


ARK RUILT 

The driver knows that when a heavily- 
loaded truck slams into mud holes, bumps 
over crossings, and is jolted, jarred and 
banged about day after day, something’s 
going to “break loose” unless it ’s a 
mighty good truck. 

And. after all, the man w'ho actually 
handles the truck is the only one who is 


IX CANADA 

in a position to give you real inside 
facts about its performance. 

The National Truck is built to meet 
Canadian conditions. It is composed of 
all standard unit parts that can be ship- 
ped immediately from our factory in 
Hamilton to any part of Canada, with no 
bothersome duties to pay and no delays. 


WRITE FOR COMPLETE CATALOGUE. 


NATIONAL STEEL CAR COMPANY, LIMITED Hamilton, Canada 


Canadian Car and Foundry Company 

LIMITED 


Transportation Building 

::: MONTREAL ::: 


Amherst, N. S. 


WORKS : 

Montreal Fort William, Ont. 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 



Page YIIT 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


OHIO 

VACUUM 

CLEANERS 

Sold on 

MONTHLY PAYMENT 
PLAN 

Phone Up. 6990 

The ROBERT MITCHELL CO., 

LIMITED 

589 St. Catherine Street West, 

MONTREAL 


lEugrnr Jff. fUtilltpS 

iEUrtnral Wnrhfa 

iCimitpii 

BARE AND INSULATED 
COPPER 

Wires 

CABLE AND CORDAGE 

For Electric Railway 
Lighting Power 
and Telephone Work 


MONTREAL - - - Canada 




Always Reliable — the 


WALTHAM 

WATCH 


E VERY railroad man 
needs a watch 
whose accuracy is 
absolutely dependable. 
This is why most rail- 
road men carry the 
Waltham 


VANGUARD” MODEL 


a 23 jewel movement designed especially for railway service. 
It is equipped with an improved steei barrel containing a 
mainspring of extra length and width, enabling the watch to 
keep accurate time for more than 40 hours between windings. 
Both balance pivots run on diamonds. It has double roller 
escapement, steel escape wheel and 24-hour dial. On the 16 
size the great favorite — there is a winding indicator to warn 
you when re-winding is required. Made and Guaranteed by 


\ 


WALTHAM WATCH COMPANY, LIMITED 
MONTREAL 


J. B. VINET, 


595 WELLINGTON STREET 
MONTREAL 


Plea«e mention The Canadian Railroader 


I 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page IX 


CANADIAN 

Avoid unnecessary traffic in 
the Home 

STEEL FOUNDRIES 

A | METER READER 

Only One B,LL 

J 1 PAYMENT 

LI M 1 I bL) 

STEEL CASTINGS 

Up to 100,000 lbs. each 

And get the extra 
— Discount= 

MANGANESE STEEL 

AND 

SPECIAL TRACK WORK 

WHEN YOU TAKE OUR 

“Dual Service” 

OAR AND ELECTRICITY 

T 

General Offices : 

TRANSPORTATION BUILDING 

MONTREAL 

The Montreal Light, Heat 
& Power Company 


Montreal Locomotive Works Limited 


WORKS: 

LONGUE POINTE, Quebec. 

CITY OFFICE: 

DOMINION EXPRESS BUILDING 
MONTREAL 


P. LYALL AND SONS 

Construction Company, Limited 


OTTAWA MONTREAL TORONTO 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page X 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


CANADA’S LEADING HOTEL 



THE WINDSOR 

JOHN DAVIDSON, Manager Dominion Square, Montreal 

HEADQUARTERS FOR CONVENTIONS 

European Plan Exclusively 

Centrally Located :::: Service Unsurpassed 

RATES ON APPLICATION 

CANADA FOOD BOARD, LICENSE No. 10-11681 
C. B. McNAUGH, President W. J. NORTHGRAVE, General Manager 

CITY DAIRY CO., LIMITED 

POTTER FARM, New Lowell, Ont., 740 acres 

Purveyors of 

CERTIFIE D MILK p ^«“ d ,. B r led 

Under Supervision Department of Public Health, Toronto 
SCIENTIFICALLY PASTEURIZED 

Milk, Cream Kephyr, Buttermilk, Creamery, Butter, 

Ice Cream and Fancy Ices 

RETAIL AND WHOLESALE 

’Phone College 2040 TORONTO, Ont. 


Pleaso mention The Canadian Railroader 




THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XT 



Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page XII 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 



CANADA 

CEMENT 

COMPANY 

LIMITED 


Canadian Cereal & 
Flour Mills Company 

LIMITED — 

mm 

FLOUR, ROLLED OATS, 
OATMEAL, CEREALS 


MILLS AT : 


HERALD BUILDING 


Ayr, Galt, Stratford, Tillsonburg, 


MONTREAL 


GEORGE A. FULLER 

COMPANY, LIMITED 


.... BUILDING .... 
CONSTRUCTION 


285 Beaver Hall Hill 

MONTREAL 


Lindsay, Embro 


If You Want 


a GOOD X, , 

LUbricatiON 

USE 1 

ECONOMIC OILS 

■ AND = 

GREASES 


Manufactured by 

Canadian Economic Lubricant 
Company, Limited 

MONTREAL 




Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XIII 


LAMONTAGNE LIMITED 

Contractors to the Foreign Governments 

Bags, Leather Goods, Travel- 
ling Requisites, MILITARY 
EQUIPMENT and Harness 

THE LARGEST LEATHER MANUFACTURERS IN CANADA 

338 Notre-Dame Street West - - MONTREAL 

Branches:- WINNIPEG, Man.— QUEBEC, Que. 



Trunks 


TRADE MARK 


The Renfrew Knitting Co., Limited 

Manufacturers of 

BLANKETS, TWEEDS, MACKINAWS, 

KERSEYS, YARNS, Etc. 


RENFREW ::: ONTARIO 

The W. R. Brock Company, Limited 

Dealers in 

DRY GOODS, WOOLLENS AND CARPETS 

WHOLESALE 


TORONTO 

60-68 Bay Street— 41-47 Wellington Street 
CALGARY 

Cor. Eighth Avenue & Second Street West 


MONTREAL 

Cor. Notre Dame West and St. Helen Sts. 
Cor. St. Helen and Recollet Streets 


Co-operate with Ottawa’s Greatest Store 

BRYSON GRAHAM LIMITED 

Sparks Street-- OTTAWA— OConnor Street 

Help us help you by assisting: us to maintain and steady 
the commercial supremacy of Canada in both local and for- 
eign markets. 

From the lowliest worker to the greatest moneyed magnate- 
all-eaeh and every of us have our duty to perform. Let us 
do it with a will-let none be classed as shirkers. 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page XIV 


THE CAM ADI AN RAILROADER 


Union Drawn Steel Co. 

LIMITED 

• \ 

Manufacturers of 

Bright Finished Steel 
Shafting and Shapes 

Large Slock of all sizes Send for Price List 

HAMILTON, Ontario 


II. .1. WAD DIB, President & Manager. S. D. BIGGAR, Treasurer. 

R. K. HOPE, Vice-President. e. R. BROWN, Secretary 

The Canadian Drawn Steel Co. 

LIMITED 

« 

Manufacturers of 

Cold Drawn, Rolled, Turned and 
Polished Shafting, Etc. 

ROUNDS SQUARES 

Vs to 6- 14 to 21/4” 

HEXAGONS AND FLATS 

y 4 to 21/4” up to iy 2 x 3 


HAMILTON Canada 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page X V 


Abtitbi p amv & Paper 

ffinmpauy, IGtmtteii 

MONTREAL 

Manufacturers of 

NEWSPRINT PAPER 
:: SULPHITE PULP :: 
GR0UNDW00D PULP 


Mills at : IROQUOIS FALLS, Ontario 


®hp Siorinn Pulp & Paper Company 

Cimiteii 

MONTREAL 

• - Manufacturers of — - 

BLEACHED AND UNBLEACHED 
SULPHITE FIBRE WOODPULP 


For the use of paper mills, made from Quebec 
Spruce Wood 


Capacity: 65,000 Tons per Year 


Also Spruce and Hardwood Lumber, Clapboards, Shingles 

and Railway Ties 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page XVI 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADED 


The Safest Matches 

in the World 

are 

Eddy’s “ Silent 500s” 

Chemically treated so that there is 
no burning or smouldering after 
match is extinguished. 

Ask Your Grocer For 

Eddy’s “ Silent 500s” 


Fairbanks-Morse 

RAILROAD SUPPLIES 



Motor Cars ::: ::: Track Tools 

Electric Baggage Trucks 
Hand Trucks. Section Men’s Engines 

Your recommandation of Fairbanks-Morse Railway Supplies will be appreciated 
•‘Canada’s Departmental House for Mechanical Goods” 


The Canadian Fairbanks-Morse Company Limited 

Halif .x, St. John, Quebec Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Hamilton, Windsor, Winnipeg, 
Saskatoon, Calgary, Vancouver, Victoria 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 






| 



t 


THE 

CANADIAN 

RAILROADER 

The 'Circulation of the magazine is devoted to 
the Canadian Railroadmen who are 

RAILROAD ENGINEERS 

RAILROAD CONDUCTORS 

RAILROAD FIREMEN 

SWITCHMEN AND BRAKEMEN 

MAINTENANCE OF WAY MEN 

AND 

RAILROAD TELEGRAPHERS 

GEO. PIERCE, Managing Editor 

i 

PUBLISHED AT 

MONTREAL 

DANDURAND BLDG. 

1919 

Circulation in the following cities: 

HALIFAX, ST. JOHN, QUEBEC, THREE RIVERS, 
SHERBROOKE, OTTAWA, TORONTO, HAMILTON, 
WINNIPEG, CALGARY, REGINA, EDMONTON, 

MOOSE JAW, VANCOUVER. 





Mercantile Printing 



Page 2 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 



The PICK 

of Overalls 


The triple stitched, thoroughly tailored garment, has leather end 
suspenders, brass loops, flexible buttons, made in 
striped, plain, blue or black. 


The full sized cut and perfect finish make 
it the ideal overall for the railroad man. 


If your dealer cannot furnish you with the “PICK of OVER- 
ALLS” send us a card giving his name 

The Leadlay Manufacturing Company Limited 

WINNIPEG I I MANITOBA 




ASK FOR 

“MALTESE CROSS” 


WHEN YOU BUY RUBBERS 


They fit a little better than most 
::: rubbers — and last longer ::: 


“MADE IN CANADA” BY 

GUTTA PERCH A & RUBBER, Limited 

Head Offices: 47 Yonge Street, TORONTO 


Branches at Halifax, Montreal, Ottawa, Port William, Winnipeg, Bogina, Saskatoon, 
Edmonton, Calgary, Lethbridge, Vancouver, Victoria. 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 


CONTENTS : 


The Tariff Question 5 

The Crisis g 

Fifth Sunday Meeting ]\ 

Reconstruction 34 

Industrial Revolution # 43 

History of Trade Unionism 55 

Industrial Theories (53 


INDEX OF ADVERTISERS 


A buys Limited HI 

Acme Gloves Limited Ill 

Abitibi Power & Paper Co., Limited XV 

Armour & Co XXXV 

British American Oil Co., Ltd 87 

Booth, J. R XLI 

Bryson Graham Ltd XIII 

Brock, W. R., Co., Ltd XIII 

Brading Breweries Ltd XXIII 

Bank of M 0 n t real 33 

Bank of Hamilton XLIH 

Ben alia ck Litho & Printing Co. Ltd. XXXVII 
Belgo Canadian Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd. . .XLV 

Bardal, A. S 85 

Clark, W., Ltd V 

Canada Nail & Wire Co., Ltd XLVI 

Canadian Fairbanks Morse Co., Ltd XIV 

Canada Steel Foundries Ltd 83 

Canada Grip Nut Co., Ltd XLVI 

Canadian Ingersoll Rand Co., Ltd 68 

Canadian Locomotive Co., Ltd VI 

Century Coal & Coke Co., Ltd II 

Canadian Adjustment Bureau 10 

Crossby Molasses Co., Ltd XI 

Canadian General Electric Co., Ltd.. XXXVII 

Canadian Bridge Co., Ltd LI 

Canadian Economic Lubricant Co., Ltd. .. .XII 

Canadian Cereal & Flour Co., Ltd XII 

Canadian Car & Foundry Co., Ltd VII 

Canadian Kodak Co., Ltd XXII 

Carmichael Waterproofing Co., Ltd XIX 

Canadian Drawn Steel Co., Ltd XIV 

Couvrette-Sauriol Ltd XXXIV 

Colonial Lumber Co., Ltd * IV 

Capital Brewing Co., Ltd XXV 

Canada Cement Co., Ltd XII 


Canadian Bronze Co., Ltd XXXVTir 

City Dairy Co., Ltd X 

Crain Printers Limited LV 

Dingwall, D. R., Ltd 85 

Dominion of Canada Guarantee & Acci- 
dent Assurance Co Inside cover 3 

Dominion Bridge Co., Ltd LTV 

Don Valley Paper Co., Ltd XLVI I 

Dunlop Tire & Rubber Ltd XXXVI 

Dominion Sugar Co., Ltd LVI 

Daly, H. J., Co., Ltd IXL 

Dennis Wire & Nail Co., Ltd IL 

Dominion Canners Ltd XXV 

Dent Allcroft & Co HI 

Dominion Wheel & Foundries Ltd XXVI 

Dupuis F re res Ltd XXXIV 

Dominion Floral Go., Ltd LTT 

Eaton, T., & Co., Ltd XX 

Elmhurst Dairy Ltd XLVI 

Emerson Fisher Ltd XXXVIII 

Estabrooke, T. H., & Co 86 

Eddy, E. B., Co., Ltd XVI 

Edwards, W. C., & Co., Ltd IL 

Equipment Specialties Ltd XLI1 

Eckardt, H. P., & Co XXXIV 

Franco-American Dental Co., Ltd 19 

Fraser Bryson Lumber Ltd XXXV 

Frost Steel & Wire Co., Ltd LIT 

Fuller, George A., Construction Co., Ltd.. XII 
Fleck, Alex., Ltd XLII 

Ganong Bros. Ltd XXX l 

Grant Holden Graham Ltd 87 

Guardian Insurance Co. of Canada 

inside cover 2 

Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., Ltd XXXII 

Globe Wernicke Co., Ltd XVITI 


Page 4 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


INDEX OF ADVERTISERS (Continued) 


Gillies Guy Ltd XLVI 

Gunns Ltd ...LVI 

Gutta Percha & Rubber Ltd 2 

Hamilton Carhartt Cotton Mills Ltd....XLIV 

Hall( George) Coal Co., Ltd II 

Hartt & Adair Coal Co., Ltd II 

Hersey (Milton) Co., Ltd XXXVIII 

Hunt, Robert W., & Co., Ltd XLVI 

Hudson Bay Co 66 

Hayward, S., & Co 86 

Harris Abattoir Co., Ltd XLVIII 

Hamilton Bridge Works Co., Ltd XLVII 

Holt Renfrew & Co , LII 

Interlake Tissue Mills Ltd XLVII 

Imperial Guarantee & Accident Ass. C...XXH 
Ideal Fence & Spring Co. of Canada, Ltd. . .88 

Imperial Oil Ltd XXI 

Imperial Tobacco Co. of Canada XVII 

Jaegers, Dr., Sanitary Wool System, Ltd.. .Ill 

Keast, Harold D XXXVIII 

Kin-del Bed Co., Ltd XXXVITT 

Kitchen Overall & Shirt Co., Ltd XLIII 

Leadlay Mfg. Co., Ltd 2 

Lake of the Woods Milling Co., Ltd V 

Lamontagne Ltd .....XIII 

London & Lancashire Guarantee & Accident 

Assurance 10 

Lyall, Peter, & Sons Construction Co., Ltd. .IX 

Laporte Martin Ltd 86 

Leslie, A. C., & Co., Ltd XLII 

Laurentide Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd.... XXXIII 

Murphy, James XXX 

Merchants Bank of Canada Inside cover 2 

Montreal Coal & Dock Co., Ltd II 

Munn & Shea XXVI 

Manitoba Steel & Iron Co., Ltd 85 

McAvity, T., & Sons, Ltd XXVIII 

Manchester Robertson & Allison Ltd XXIX 

Maritime Nail Co., Ltd XXVII 

Moore, John E., & Co., Ltd 86 

Murray & Gregory Ltd XXIX 

Montreal City & District Savings Bank XLVIII 

McCaHum & Willis 87 

McClary Mfg. C., Ltd 87 

McCormick Mfg. Co., Ltd XXXI 

McDonald, W. C., Regd 32 

Montreal Locomotive Works, Ltd IX 

Massey -Harris Co., Ltd LI 

Montreal Light, Heat & Power Co IX 

Mappin & Webb 31 

Matthews Blackwell, Ltd XIX 

Munderloh & Co 86 

Me Lei lan Lumber Ltd XXXIV 

Mitchell, Robert, Co., Ltd VIII 

Northeastern Lunch Co XXXIV 

Xashwaak Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd XXVII 

New York Dental Co., Ltd Inside cover 3 

National Steel Car Co., Ltd yn 

News Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd 86 

Nichols Chemical Co., Ltd XLVI 

Norwich Union Fire Insurance Co XXII 

National Gloves Ltd p, 


Ottawa Car Mfg. Co., Ltd IX L 

Ottawa Sanitary Laundry Ltd XXXV 

O ’Reilly & Belanger Ltd XLII 

Ottawa Electric Co., Ltd 17 

Ottawa Truss & Surgical Co., Ltd XLII 

Ontario Power Co. of Niagara Falls. .. .XXIV 

Otto Higel Co., Ltd XXVI 

Ogdensburg Coal & Tow ’g Co., Ltd II 

Patterson, >4 M., & Co., Ltd XXX 

Port Arthur Shipbuilding Co., Ltd XXX 

Palmer, John, Co., Ltd XXXI 

Provincial Paper Mills, Ltd XLVII 

Phillips Electrical Co., Ltd VIII 

Poison Iron Works, Ltd XXXVI 

Perrin, D. S., & Co., Ltd XLII 

Peabody Co., Ltd 84 

Paris Wincey Mills Co., Ltd XXIII 

Pembroke Lumber Co., Ltd IV 

Perrin Freres & Co LVI 

Rutherford, Win, & Sons, Ltd XXXIV 

Robinson, J. M., & Sons NX I 

Riga Water 10 

Ray, C. C., & Co., Ltd XLII 

Riordon Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd XV 

Royal Bank of Canada „ 82 

Renfrew Knitting Co., Ltd XIII 

Steel Co. of Canada, Ltd , I 

Simpson, Robert, Co., Ltd Outside cover 

St. Lawrence Flour Mills XXXVIII 

Swedish Steel & Importing XLVI 

Schofield Paper Co., Ltd 86 

Smith, Howard, Paper Co., Ltd XLVI 

Swift Canadian Co., Ltd 83 

Standard Underground Cable Co., Ltd. .XXVII 

Slingsby Mfg. Co., Ltd IXL 

St. Maurice Paper Co., Ltd XLV 

Sheet Metal Products XXIII 

Thorne, W. H., & Co., Ltd XXVII 

& Co XXXIV 

Tetrault Shoe Mfg XXXIV 

Thomson, Fred, Co., Ltd XXVI 


Union Carbide Co. of Canada XXIX 

Union Draw* Steel Co., Ltd XIV 


Vinet, ,T. B. . . .\ VIII 

Vassie Co., Ltd. \. 86 

Victoria Foundry Ltd jp 

Vulcan Iron Works IAVL . . . 

Western King Mfg. Co., \td XL 

Windsor Hotel ........ ,7v \. v . . X *\ 

Willys Overland, Ltd \ XlXVL; 

Wilson Box Co., Ltd . \ . .£XIX 

Wilt Twist Drill Co. of CaimlaJ^td^rTJ . . . 88 

Woods Mfg. Co., Ltd. . . . . . . . py 

Woods Mfg. Co., Ltd \ mil 

Woods, Walter, & Co., Ltd X^jCxy 

Watkins, Thomas C., & Co., Ltd. 

Waterous Engine Co., Ltd N. 

Wray, Jos. C., & Co., Ltd ; 

Whyte Packing Oo., Ltd X3 . — 

Wayagamack Pulp & Paper Co., Ltd L 

Wabasso Cotton, Ltd p 


The 

Canadian Railroader 

A JOURNAL OF THE PEOPLE 


Vol. 1. No. 5. MONTREAL, MARCH 1919. Issued Quarterly. 


EDITORIAL 


THE TARIFF QUESTION 

I T is evident that the political stage, is rapidly being prepared 
for a great tariff battle. The Western agricultural areas 
are unequivocally demanding the removal of the tariff while 
the manufacturing East is vigorously urging the retention of an 
adequate tariff which will enable the manufacturer to not only 
protect his business, but to provide enough revenue therefrom to 
expand and develop his enterprise. 

The result of this controversy has greatly widened the gulf 
between East and West, and actually threatens the Dominion 
with catastrophe. 

With the defeat of German autocracy the tendency of class 
autocracy has developed, not only in Canada, but the world over. 
Each of the many classes which constitutes society pretends to 
believe that the domination of the particular class to which it 
belongs offers the only hope for a new democracy. 

Theoretically it is admitted that a successful democracy de- 
pends upon conciliations and on a policy of give-and-take, so that 
each class may receive all the benefits possible without interfer- 
ing with the prosperity of the other classes. 

If the various interests would recognize that the interests of 
each are inseparably bound up and dependent upon the prosperity 
of the whole, we would quickly recognize the injustice and the im- 
practicability of any one class seeking to benefit at the expense 
of another section of society. 

Under existing conditions the manufacturer who is engrossed 
in his own problems is alone incapable of giving an unbiased 
opinion on the tariff, and the farmer, with no knowledge of the 
problems of manufacture and with no experience in the affairs 
of labor, is in an identical position. 

The futility of a satisfactory solution to the tariff question 
through party government is illustrated by the fact that our 
present Government was elected solely on a mandate to carry on 
the war with the utmost vigor. There never was any thought in 
the public mind at the time of the last elections that they would 
be called upon for tariff legislation. 

Page 5 


Page 6 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


At the present time it would be very difficult to find anyone 
that is satisfied on the tariff question. If it is to be kicked about 
as a political football by party politics then we may well prepare 
for financial storms. 


Political adherence is largely a matter of the accident of 
birth. Individuals are divided into low tariff and high tariff 
advocates largely as a result of the political affiliations of their 
parents, and not as a result of independent judgment gained 
through an impartial study on the question. 

The Canadian Railroader is greatly interested in this struggle, 
for the reason that the position of the railroadman is somewhat 
different from that of the average Trades Unionist because, 
although the Trades Unionist, identified with the Trades and 
Labor Congress of Canada has a direct interest in the success of 
the manufacturer his connection with the farmer is rather remote, 
but the railroadman has a direct interest in the manufacturer 
and the agriculturist because the prosperity of the roads by which 
lie is employed depends for its prosperity not onlv upon the well- 
being of the farmer but of the manufacturer as well. The rail- 
loadei serves both in the daily routine of his work. He is in- 
timately identified with both sides of the tariff controversy. 

1 he Canadian Railroader having at heart not only the in- 
teiests <>1 our own class, but the welfare of the entire communitv 
which we serve, urgently suggests that the tariff question, once 
and for all, be permanently removed from the political arena. 
\\ (“ urge that it must be the first concern of all to ensure stabilitv 
to the manufacturing interests of the Dominion in view of the 
enormous debts incurred through the war, which will have to be 
met by taxation, tariff income and income tax. 


It will be necessary to make plans far in advance of actual 
conditions to meet these obligations. Such plans can neither be 
devised nor matured unless the Dominion is guaranteed securitv 
against political tariff convulsions. We hold that the national 
debt is a debt of honor. It must be paid and, therefore, it is a 
national obligation to remove every obstacle which mav threaten 
the national prosperity. 


lo this end the Canadian Railroader urges: 

1. That a permanent Tariff Commission be established. 

2. That the elements of society deeplv interested shall each 
have a representative on this Commission! 


3. That the Commission shall consist of five members. 

(a) The manufacturers shall nominate one member. 

r „ , / b ) Tbc T T rade s Unionists, through their Executive on the 
-grades and Labor Congress of Canada, in conjunction with the 
Executive of the Railroad Brotherhoods, shall nominate one mem- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 7 


(c) The agricultural class, through the Council of Agricul- 
ture, shall nominate one member. 

(d) The Government in power at the time of the appoint- 
ment of the Commission shall nominate one member who shall be 
known as the Government Revenue member. 

(e) The Government in power at the time of the appoint- 
ment of the Commission shall nominate one member as a tariff 
statistician. 

(f) A department of scientific research, capable of analyzing 
processes of costs and manufacture shall be operated under the 
authority and jurisdiction of the Commission. 

(g) The Chairman of the Commission shall alwavs be the 
statistician. 

4. Each member of the Commission shall receive a salary of 
not less than $15,000.00 a year and shall have the selection of a 
qualified tariff statistician and staff. 

5. The members of the Commission to be appointed for life, 
subject only to the recall of the organization by which thev have 
•been chosen. 

0. The Commission shall hold daily sessions, excepting on 
legal holidays. 

7. The Commission shall have power to fix the tariffs, to 
examine the books and to ascertain the cost and selling price with 
reference to goods of any manufacturer seeking tariff protection. 

8. The tariff fixed by the Commission shall be final and un- 
assailable unless subsequently changed by action of the Com- 
mission or a special act of Parliament. 

In urging this Commission we believe: 

1st — That the removal of the tariff question from politics 
will guarantee, stability and progress not only to the manufacturer 
and the farmer, but to the workingman and all citizens of the 
Dominion. 

2nd — We recommend its flexibility because with the produc- 
tion of new raw materials, the invention of new processes, the 
combination of old ideas into new and useful methods, adjust- 
ments can be quickly made to meet the ever-changing conditions. 

3rd — It would at all times ensure sufficient protection to the 
manufacturer to enable him to compete successfully with foreign 
competition. 

4tli — It will effectively protect the farmer and the consuming 
public from manufacturers who might seek to use the tariff to 
demand extortionate prices from the consumer. 

5th — It will ensure the maximum amount of work to the 
Canadian workingman. 


Tage 8 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


6th — By eliminating the periodical tariff disturbances we 
sliall be able to lay constructive plans to liquidate our debts and 
to execute such plans with precision. 

7th — It will ensure proper protection for all classes and in 
this manner be a genuine benefit to the entire country. 

Our faith in a Tariff Commission has been greatly strength-, 
ened by the experiences which followed the establishment of the 
Railway Commission which admittedly has been of tremendous 
benefit and value to all classes within the Dominion. The very 
excellent results obtained are due to the fact that the Commission 
eliminated all possibility of political interference in the conduct 
and administration of our railways. 

And, lastly, it will place the country’s business on a business 
footing, free from political interference and the periodical inter- 
ruptions which have been the cause of great depressions in all 
countries where the tariff has been recognized as a political rather 
than a business issue. 

In conclusion, we urge a Tariff Commission and invite frank 
and open criticism from everyone who has at heart the best in- 
terests of this Dominion. We should be pleased to receive your 
ideas on this subject. Please address all communications to the 
Canadian Railroader, 60 Dandurand Building, Montreal, Que., 
and plainly write your address so that we may have the oppor- 
tunity of replying to you. 

THE CRISIS 

T HE whole world is shaking with industrial convulsion. It is 
rocking the entire structure with its rigors. Famine is 
painting the cheeks of millions with its hideous pallor, while 
anarchy is dancing about, torch in hand, an illumined goblin in 
the nightmare. On every sharp and hidden rock in the swirling 
aftermath of war sits the seductive Loralie singing a dreamy and 
enchanting song to lure us on to new terrors and greater sorrows. 

There never was a time in the history of civilization when it 
became such a duty for man and woman to think — to think hard 
and to use good, common hard sense in thinking. 

Most of us in Canada have had only national experience and 
so our thought has been confined to national, municipal and pro- 
vincial affairs. Few of us have had the advantages of international 
travel and observation and comparatively only a limited number 
among us have been sufficiently educated to think or study in 
international terms. 

Perhaps it would be to our advantage to concentrate our 
minds with vigor upon our own affairs. We might then realize 
the seriousness and the enormity of our own problems and we 
might bring to bear upon these conditions the wholesome influence 


THE CANADIAN HAILED ADEN 


Pag 1 ’ !) 


of the sober, sensible calm thought which is the most commendible 
characteristic of our Canadian people. 

First and foremost is the tariff question. It is most impor- 
tant that Canadian industries should be developed in order to 
insure employment to Canadian workmen and this implies the 
support of an adequate tariff. Our own views on the subject are 
(dearly stated in the editorial which follows. 

To create a good economic understanding between the East 
and the West which will insure industrial stability in order that 
unbearable taxation shall not fall upon the farmer and the worker 
is another problem which merits your earnest consideration. 

For the good of all wo need to co-operate in every measure 
that will increase agricultural production and improve rural con- 
ditions. 

We will further our own interests and the interests of the 
Dominion if we support any movement which has as its aim the 
development of our great natural resources so that Canadian raw 
materials mined by Canadian workmen may encourage the final 
processes of manufacture in Canada. Bv promoting and ad- 
hering to industrial organization versus the principal of disor- 
ganization preached by many excited and inexprienced apostles 
of new experiments it will be possible to develop domestic and 
foreign trade which will give employment to great numbers of 
Canadian workmen. 

The proposition of improving the relations between Labor 
and Capital through the medium of trade board councils and 
national parliaments should be carefully considered. The Whitley 
Report should be studied by every trades unionist and every 
manufacturer in the Dominion. The trade parliament is an in- 
stitution that has come to stay. 

We should encourage and support scientific research. We 
should endeavour in every way to improve the economic and in- 
dustrial position of women and we should fight against child 
labor wherever it shows its head. Child labor is a national waste, 
a prodigious national prodigality which no nation can afford. 

We should support any movement which will bring greater 
educational advantages to the masses of the people. 

WE ARE A YOUNG, A VIGOROUS ANI) A HEALTHY 
PEOPLE. The future may be faced with cheerful optimism, with 
the courage that is our heritage and with the common sense that 
is our blessing. We may resolutely and with every certainty 
of success face the problems which confront us. 

But many a sweet throated political song bird will warble 
strangely alluring tunes from the withering limbs of the dead 
trees. Fair channel's in long frock coats will pour out sweet en- 
chantments about nationalizing railways while reciting the many 
advantages and the transcendent virtues of non taxable Victory 
Bonds. It would certainly be interesting to Railroadmen if the 
non-taxable Victory Bond and the proposed nationalization of 


Page 10 


THE CANADIAN RA 1 LUO A DEli 


railroads were to be fully discussed in parallel columns of the 
future Canadian Railroader Weekly. 

Our port in every storm is our common sense. It is more 
than likely that politicians at Ottawa will discover this very 
astonishing but truthful fact if the nationalization of our rail- 
ways becomes a political issue. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page II 




Mr. E. W. Beatty, President of C. P. R., Urged Careful Con- 
sideration of Railway Problems. — Railroad Men greatly 
Impressed by the Sound Sensible Arguments of the President, 
—-Hon. Senator Robertson, Minister of Labor, and Peter 
YY right of Seamen’s Union Delighted Large Audience. — 
Meeting Voted Great Success. — Meeting January 12th, 1919 
at Windsor Hall, J. A. Woodward presiding. 


THE CHAIRMAN : — 

M Y FRIENDS: We meet here to- 
night because we believe that in 
these momentous days, men and 
women from every class of society, 
should meet upon a common platform 
and discuss the pressing problems of the 
hour. Hence the reason why we have 
invited employees from the great rail- 
road systems and men from all branches 
of the service. 

We believe that during these days of 
reconstruction the only safe and com- 
1 nonsense course to pursue is to meet and 
discuss the problems with which we are 
confronted, believing that the future of 
our country rests upon a clear apprecia- 
tion of the responsibilities of citizenship 
— only to be achieved through education 
— intelligence understanding, demanding 
a whole-hearted co-operation of all cit- 
izens for the common good. During the 
past four years we have been anxiously 
watching the trend of events in Europe. 
We have lived through the most stirring 
days in history, a period with grave 
issues. The war has broken the old 
bonds, releasing social and economic 
forces which if unregulated, if not ef- 
fectively controlled, may wreck our civil- 
ization. Therefore we must face the new 
issue and must all seriously play bur 
part in establishing a stable society. 

The dawn of a new era is breaking. 
The people are striving towards a higher 
plan. Everywhere we can hear rumb- 
lings of discontent — here in this land of 
plenty — many are wondering if they will 
, be able to weather the winter without 
feeling the pinch of poverty. 

The day has arrived when we must not 
boast of the prosperity of a nation, 
while we tolerate abject poverty side by 
side with extravagant wealth. Reforms 


are due in the State, in the school, and 
in industry, which must be and will be 
accomplished. We can no more stop 
them than we can stop the seasons chang- 
ing or the river St. Lawrence flowing 
unto the sea. 

The foundation upon which our civil- 
ization rests, and upon which we must 
rear our new democracy, is education — 
consequently the necessity for an effi- 
cient education system. I think that 
you will agree with me, when I say, that 
we must not lose sight of the ideals for 
which we entered the war, namely, Free- 
dom, Democracy, Progress. Where does 
Freedom start? Where does Democracy 
start? Where does Progress start? 
1 answer "in the school”. Professor Dale 
said at our last meeting, "After all in 
the last analysis all that matters is the 
groups of little children here and there 
all over our land — the future citizens 
of our country.” 

The cardinal principles of our Asso- 
ciation are as follows: 

1st. — Political representation of the 
country's workmen, those who toil by 
hand or by brain. 

2nd. — The advancement of education 
on a par with the most enlightened pol- 
icies to be found in any part of the 
world. 

3rd. — Methodical organization of the 
Dominion into political districts, where 
capable men, developed by the move- 
ment, may be brought forward and run 
for office in Dominion, Provincial or 
Municipal elections backed by a care- 
fully prepared organization to ensure 
success. 

We believe that it is only through 
education, through social enlightment, 
and political power, wisely exercised and 
we hope as we sincerely believe, that 


Page 12 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


through the medium of this and similar 
meetings, to be organized in all impor- 
tant centres, and through our own press, 
“The Canadian Railroader”; We will 
create a broader enlightment and espe- 
cially a better understanding, and co- 
operation between the different classes 
of society throughout the Dominion and 
thus serve to promote greater confiden- 
ce, assuring success in handling the many 
pressing social and economic problems 
arising day by day. Within the ranks 
/f the workers of this country, lie hidden 
men, who if the}' were afforded the op- 
portunity, could accomplish great na- 
tional good. It will be one of the ob- 
jects of our Association, to develop these 
men, and to assist them, in every way 
possible, giving them an opportunity to 
use their talents for the benefit of all. 
Our activities in the future must be 
directed towards developing the human 
side of the great machinery of produc- 
tion, by training, and preparing, our 
future citizens, to participate more in- 
telligently, in our civic, social, and in- 
dustrial activities, not as mere machines, 
but as reasonable human beings, cons- 
cious of their responsibilities to the so- 
cial State. 

It is for those happy, noble, human 
beings, of Ruskins prophecy, that the 
world is striving, and is ever growing 
impatient, of an industrial order, Which 
sacrifices human happiness, for the bene- 
fit of material progress. I say to you, 
mv friends, it is the task of Christianity, 
it is the task of our statesmanship and it 
is the task of our leaders of industry, and 
our leaders of labor, to lift our nation to 
a more equal and fraternal social life. 

We must move towards a greater jus- 
tice, in the distribution of wealth, or 
abandon our claim to enlightened Demo- 
cracy. 

What do we see if we are not blinded 
by prejudice? Out of the horrors of 
war, we see the people emerge, grasping 
the scroll, upon which is written, a new 
social order, and as the smoke of battle 
is clearing away, and we get a clearer 
and broader vision, we see the leaders 
of the nations, at the Peace Conference, 
laying the foundation stones, of a League 
of nations, on understanding, and friend- 
measure, if not finally, make war im- 
possible in the future, basing the rights 
of nations, or understanding, and friend- 
ship, in the same manner, industrial 


strife, and misunderstanding, should be 
eliminated by education, understanding, 
co-operation and friendship. Possibly 
nothing could illustrate so forcibly, the 
broad spirit of Democracy, actuating our 
Association, than is evidenced by the 
fact, that its membership includes every 
order of society. Its influence is further 
manifest, in the fact, that it attracts to 
its platform, the distinguished speakers 
who are to address us this evening. 

I will first call upon the Honorable 
Senator Robertson, Minister of Labor, 
who certainly requires no formal intro- 
duction, to a Canadian audience, espe- 
cially one made up of railroad employees. 
Senator Robertson is strikingly a child 
of the nation, one who began at the lower 
rung of the ladder, in the humble cap- 
acity of a railroad telegraph operator, 
and has steadily advanced, until he 
achieved the high position he now en- 
joys. in the Councils of the nation, and 
to his credit let me say, he has never lost 
touch with his fellow workers, and is 
just as anxious, just as eager, to promote 
their interest to-day, as he was while 
directing the affairs of the Order of 
Railway Telegraphers, of which he was 
their honored vice-president. I have 
much pleasure in asking Senator Robert- 
son to address you. 

S ENATOR G. D. ROBERTSON 

Mr. President, ladies and gentle- 
ment : May I assure you that it 
is a very distinct and sincere pleasure 
to me to have the opportunity of meet- 
ing with so large a gathering composed 
principally, T presume of railway em- 
ployees. It is particularly delightful 
to have this opportunity because of the 
long association that I have had with 
a great number of you whom 1 see here 
present. It is also a proud privilege 
when we realise the splendid and patri- 
otic loyal service that our railroad em- 
ployees in Canada have rendered, both 
at home and overseas, to meet the coun- 
try’s needs and the country’s service 
during the past four years. It scarcely 
needs to be recalled, because I think 
that it is a fact well known to all, that 
these four years of war have brought 
about better understandings, better 
appreciation of each other’s needs and 
wants, and greater respect for each 
other’s rights, as between capital and 
labor generally, but more especially- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 13 


between our great Canadian Railways 
and their employees. 

I have in mind to tell you of a meet- 
ing in this very building last July, just 
about the time when the war clouds 
were darkest, almost at the very mo- 
ment when many of our statesmen 
overseas, and our soldier generals, were 
very very much concerned indeed as 
to what was going to occur along the 
battle line. At that meeting Canadian 
railroad men, and Canadian railroad 
managers said “So far as we are con- 
cerned there shall be nothing to inter- 
rupt Canada doing her part in conduct- 
ing this war, and there shall be no dis- 
putes aroused that shall not be settled by 
mutual conciliation and agreement. 
That commendable act has been noted, 
emphasized and commented on all 
through the great republic to the south 
of us, because of the fact that it was 
done voluntarily and not through any 
pressure brought to bear on anybody. 

I am happy to join with you in dis- 
cussing a few of the questions of the 
hour that affect us at this time, hav- 
ing, as I believe I have, your sympathy 
in the feeble attempts I am endeavor- 
ing to make at this time to promote the 
happiness and comfort and prosperity 
of our working people in Canada. You 
are here to listen to two distinguished 
gentlemen to-night, one the head of the 
greatest railway transportation system 
in the world, a gentleman who is the 
peer of any railway official in North 
America and the world, so far as I 
know, and one who, 1 know, commands 
the respect and confidence of the em- 
ployees of that great corporation of 
which he is the head. He will have for 
us, I am sure, words of advice and wis- 
dom, and observations of which we may 
well take heed. On the other hand we 
have a gentleman who has had a some- 
what different experience, and who 
will have a different message for us, 
and whom I have heard on different 
occasions recently. He has seen the 
sufferings and sacrifices made by our 
people in the Motherland, and on the 
sea particularly — the head of the great 
Seamen's Union, the merchant marine 
of the British Empire, that did perhaps, 
together with the British Navy, fully 
as much as the army to secure victory — 
indeed the efforts of the army would 
have been entirely futile but for the 


assistance rendered by the great army 
of men of whom Mr. Peter Wright is the 
head. He will have many interesting 
and instructive things to say to you and 
therefore I am not going to tresspass on 
your time at any great length, except to 
refer to a few matters which I think 
perhaps are of interest to the people of 
Canada at the present time, respecting 
the plans, and the progress those plans 
are making, in connection with the 
demobilization of our army, and the re- 
patriation and re-employment of our 
soldiers and civilian people. I will not 
go into details but skim over the facts 
as briefly as possible. I have no ap- 
prehension as to the outcome or of Can- 
ada's future, nor do 1 fear any serious 
discontent or hardship arising in this 
country. And I am going to tell you 
briefly why, because 1 think it is only by 
having a knowledge of what really are 
the existing facts that we can perhaps 
form the best opinion as to what the 
future holds in store. When hostilities 
ceased there were many of us in Canada 
who feared that the end of the war 
would bring about such a dislocation of 
industry in Canada that there would be 
a tremendous army of unemployed and 
greater hardship and suffering, and that 
in addition the bringing home of our 
soldiers from overseas and their repatria- 
tion and restoration to civil life, was 
going to so flood the labor market that 
we would have difficult times ahead, 
and perhaps trouble. 

Let us just analyze the situation a mo- 
ment and I think it will be clear to all 
of us that there is no occasion for fear. 
There were something like 200,000 mu- 
nition workers, most of them engaged in 
these two provinces. Careful survey has 
been kept of the change in the situa- 
tion from week to week and while in 
the two large cities Toronto and Mon- 
treal, there is to-day a considarable 
surplus of labor, yet taking the coun- 
try over, there are only about 15,000 
more men out of employment than 
there were on November 11. Records 
have been received from more than 
6,000 employers, each of whom em- 
ployed 25 men or women and over, and 
the indications are that outside of those 
two large cities there has been more 
people added to the staffs of the va- 
rious industries than have been laid off, 
so that the absorbing of our civilians 


Page 14 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


thrown out of work by reason of the 
discontinuance of the war industries 
lias been very satisfactory. And added 
to that there is this further point which 
is giving further relief and that is, 
that during the war period we had a 
large number of citizens from foreign 
lands who carried on and labored more 
or less effectively and steadily, who 
were watching for the first opportunity 
to n tarn to their home land a? soon 
as the war was over. We have been 
sent notifications and requests that 
we should not allo\V or permit this 
class of labor to be withdrawn 
from our shores, but so far it has 
not been necessary to pay much heed 
because there is a surplus at the present 
time, at least no scarcity. One gentle- 
man from the city of Hamilton wrote 
to us that 5,000 from that vicinity had 
already gone to New York and other 
ports seeking passage home to Europe, 
men who had not seen their families 
for three or four years, and have not 
heard from them for a length of time, 
and who were just as anxious to get 
back to heir homeland and find out how 
t heir families had fared as we would 
be in like circumstances. That has tend- 
ed also to relieve the labor situation. 

Now as to the soldiers returning, 
we need have no apprehension. A very 
large number of our soldiers have their 
positions waiting for them when they 
return, but if they have not they will 
not suffer any real hardship even 
though a number of them do not obtain 
employment until the coming spring, 
because of the provision made for them 
by the Government, in providing six 
months pay, with a minimum of $70 
for a single man and $100 per month 
for a married man, in addition to their 
other allowances already provided for, 
which will prevent any real hardship 
coming to them until the winter season 
is over. In the light of those facts I 
don t think we need to have any fear 
of any great calamity as a result of 
lack of employment in this country 
overtaking Canada, and after the snows 
of this winter have disappeared and 
our business becomes normal I anti- 
cipate that before another summer gets 
around Canada will have started on 
the path of progress she is mapping 
out for herself, and will be able to 
absorb before another winter comes 


all of the men and women who desire 
to work. 

You say perhaps that that is rather 
a large order. Let me point this fact 
out to you that including all of our 
army overseas and including all our 
unemployed people at the present mo- 
ment — and this is the slackest season 
of the year — they do not aggregate a 
number equal to the normal immigra- 
tion of a normal year into this coun- 
try. And if we can absorb 300,000 or 
400,000 people from foreign lands, most 
of them untrained and unskilled in a 
single year, I do not think we will have 
any difficulty in absorbing our army 
of largely skilled men, citizens of Can- 
ada, when they return, because we are 
not going to have any great tide of 
immigration for a time at least. There- 
fore I think conditions will right 
themselves and that Canada will speed- 
ily proceed along her way to develop 
her natural resources and industries, 
which will bring great prosperity to 
her transportation systems and greatly 
increase the happiness and welfare of 
our whole people. 

It might be of interest to briefly 
relate a few of the things that have been 
undertaken and plans which are now 
being put into operation with refer- 
ence to the return of our soldiers. I 
take it that the most of you, all of you 
doubtless, have friends, and most of 
you near relatives or immediate mem- 
bers of your family overseas, and there- 
fore it is a matter of personal interest 
to us all. Very great care, very much 
thought has been given to this impor- 
tant question, and plans have been 
woiked out in detail which are being 
put into operation, and which are be- 
ginning to work naturally and smooth- 
ly — except where certain incidents 
occur which must always be expected. 
As the army is demobilised in Eng- 
land, the men are gathered into units. 
Canada is divided into 22 dispersal 
areas, and as the men are sent home 
from overseas, they are sent in parties 
of about 500 men to each dispersal 
area. When they arrive at Halifax, 
through co-operation of the Canadian 
Railway War Board, there is adopted 
a scheme by which the boys are quickly 
transferred from ship to train and are 
landed at their destination without 
change in most cases. There they get 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 15 


a medical examination and are dis- 
charged from service. In order to be 
fair to them and to protect the State 
this examination must be held, because 
upon the results of the medical examin- 
ation will be determined the amount 
of pension which they may be entitled 
to. It is therefore important that these 
details be attended to. When the man 
is discharged he is permitted to retain 
his uniform as a souvenir which will 
be dear to the heart of every soldier, 
the sum of $35 with which to purchase 
himself a little civilian clothing, his 
deferred pay, which in some cases runs 
as high as six hundred dollars, and 
his railway transportation to his home 
town. And then from month to month, 
in accordance w r ith the provisions of 
the regulations that have been passed, 
he will receive monthly payments for 
a period of six months if he has been 
in service three years, any part of 
which is overseas, of the sums I have 
mentioned. 

The Soldiers Re-establishment Oom- 
misison, which is a new department of 
government created some months ago, 
undertakes to watch over the soldier 
and assist him in every way possible 
to be reinstated and restored to a satis- 
factory position in civil life, and to also 
do everything necessary to assist him 
in maintaining himself for some time 
to come until he is well able and com- 
petent to take care of himself as w r ell 
as before. We cannot expect, we do 
not expect, that our soldiers will be 
normal citizens immediately they take 
off the uniform. For three or four 
years they have been thinking and 
doing but one thing, they have been 
fed, they have been clothed, housed 
and directed, and had only one thought, 
that was to shoot the Hun or get him 
some other way. Therefore to imme- 
diately release them from that environ- 
ment and from those conditions, and 
turn them loose to care for themselves, 
clothe themselves, arrange for them- 
selves and manage for themselves 
would not be fair. You can at once 
realize that if w r e w^ere in that position, 
after four years removal from it, that 
w r e would need some little time to get 
our bearings. It is not to be under- 
stood that the sum gratuity named is 
to be regarded as compensation, but 
simply as a small portion of the help 


that the country feels and knows that 
it ow’es to the soldier. If the soldier is 
disabled on return he is cared for, con- 
tinued under pay and taught any trade 
or given instruction in any vocation 
that he may choose, and already some- 
thing like 9,260 men have been receiv- 
ing instruction and more than half of 
those are already placed in positions 
w T here they are earning their own liv- 
ing comfortably through the assist- 
ance and management of the depart- 
ment I have named. 

There are unfortunately a very con- 
siderable number of our poor boys who 
have come back seriously gassed, wdio 
went through such a hell of fire and 
mud and other things equally bad that 
their reason has been, at least tem- 
porarily, lost to them, and very care- 
ful arrangements are being made to 
give to those poor fellows the very best 
care possible until they either recover 
or so long as they shall live. Then 
there is another class to which I may 
just briefly refer and that is the de- 
pendents of those w r ho will never come 
back, and the disabled soldier w T hos 3 
efficiency has been impaired by reason 
of w r ounds received at the front, both 
of whom must be cared for in a limited 
degree by way of pension. 1 do not 
believe there is any of us that feel that 
the compensation of the soldier, or the 
pension to him or his dependants, is in 
any way adequate to compensate them 
for the suffering they have endured or 
for the service they have rendered. 
Hut as in all other things in our domes- 
tic life, in our business life, in our 
national life, w r e must do the best v r e 
can to meet the situation and still carry 
on. The gratuity Which l have men- 
tioned that will be paid to our soldiers 
to help tide them over the first six 
months of their return to civil life, 
will cost Canada more than $100,000,- 
000. The national debt of Canada has 
grown as a result of this war to $2,000,- 
000,000, which means that our annual 
interest at five per cent must be for 
many years to come $100,000,000 a 
year. Add to that our pension bill, 
w’hich our Finance Minister has estim- 
ated at $30,000,000 a year, so that the 
permanent burden w r e must bear to 
meet our interest and pension obliga- 
tions is almost equal to the total reve- 
nue of Canada for some years prior to 


Page 16 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


the war. Therefore any observing man 
who will stop to think will realize that 
Canada’s Government has probably 
done the best it could under the cir- 
cumstances, and it* Canada's Parlia- 
ment thinks that these compensations 
should be improved, 1 know it will be 
done to the 'limit of* the countries ability 
to meet the need. In the year 1914, 
just before the war broke out, there was 
a depression in Canada. There was a 
great deal more unemployment in June 
1914 than there is to-day. Manufactur- 
ers and producers of almost every sort 
of goods were at that time fearful of 
what was going to happen and hesitated 
to go on with their business, and pro- 
duction was slackening. That was the 
natural thing we might have expected 
to happen immediately the armistice 
was signed, because material of all 
sorts that entered into the manufacture 
of articles of all sorts was double the 
price of normal times. Likewise wages 
was at the highest point they had 
reached in the history of this country, 
and it was natural for the manufacturer 
to presume that it must be bad business 
for him to continue to buy material 
and carry on at the high labor cost 
when he might find his sale prices fall- 
ing. But I want to say that I think 
great credit is due to the manufacturing 
interests of this country, that there has 
been neither any attempt to reduce 
wages nor any attempt to create any 
artificial depression by shutting off 
production. A great many of our big 
manufacturing firms are carrying on 
anticipating a loss in their business for 
the next few months, but they agree it 
is their patriotic duty at this time to 
assist the working people of Canada 
who have carried on so nobly during 
the past four years and who have borne 
perhaps the greatest burden of the war 
because the purchasing power of their 
earnings have been decreased from 
year to year and they have made sacri- 
fices greater than any other class. So 
far as possible extra strenuous efforts 
are being made to employ people and 
to create employment wherever pos- 
sible both by Government and private 
concerns. That is no idle or empty 
statement. 1 can assure you it is a 
statement of fact and that it was under- 
taken in anticipation of the end of the 
war more than five months ago. In this 


very building only three weeks ago 
the shoe manufacturers, of whom I 
think there are 79 different firms in 
Canada, employing thousands of men, 
through their president at a meeting 
of their Association stated that there 
should be no reduction of wages in that 
industry so long as the cost of living 
remained at its present level at least, 
and that is only an instance of what 
other branches of the Canadian manu- 
facturers are doing. The Lumbermen's 
Association have sent out a circular to 
all their members to the effect that 
they have made similar promises to 
the department of labor, and under 
these conditions we have endeavored 
to supply them with a great many men 
and have suceceded. 

May I make brief reference to one 
thing that comes under the Depart- 
ment of Labor. There are being estab- 
lished at the present moment, and half 
of the officers are already appointed, 
a chain of Government employment 
agencies or offices across the country 
through which it is intended and ex- 
pected that we will be able to bring 
great relief and assistance to the work- 
men seeking employment and to the 
employer seeking labor. These agencies 
or offices are to be maintained, at the 
joint expense of the Federal and Prov- 
incial Governments operated under the 
judisdiction and administered by the 
Provincial Governments but free and 
open to all employers and workmen, 
soldiers and civilians, free of cost. I 
will not go into the details because it 
will take too much time. 

I have no fear of Canada's future 
from the standpoint of labor. I fancy 
my friend Mr. Wright may make refer- 
ence to the Bolshevik element that we 
know and hear so much about at the 
present time, and there have been some 
evidences of revolutionary agitation in 
certain parts of Canada.' I think we 
can well afford to not let that worry 
us. The heart of Canada’s population 
is sound and loyal. There is, in scatter- 
ed districts, some residents in this coun- 
try, not citizens of this country gene- 
rally speaking who are preaching cer- 
tain doctrines which we do not heed. 
The prosperity, the happiness of any 
people, their loyalty to their country 
and its form of Government, is largely 
due to the extent in 'which the indivi- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 17 


duals are interested in the State them- 
selves. Fortunately in Canada a very 
large proportion of our people either 
own or have an interest in the prop- 
erty where they reside, and when a 
man is attempting to be a good citizen 
and own his little home and gather 
round him a little competency with 
which he can feel he can pass his old 
age in reasonable comfort, he is inter- 
ested in building up the state by con- 
structive policies, and not interested in 
revolution and destructive policies. I 
have no fear that in Canada we will 
experience difficulty of any moment 
in that direction. And if we do what 
would happen? Half a million of our 
best boys left their homes and country, 
friends and interests and went away 
to foreign lands to protect and defend 
our free institutions and the great de- 
mocratic principles upon which the 
British Empire and this country is 
founded, and which they so much love. 
And when those boys are home again 
do you think for one moment, even 
though the people at home were not 
inclined as they are, that those boys 
would permit the work they have done 
overseas to be undone at home. I have 
heard too many of them say what 
would occur if Bolshevism raises its 
head in Canada to know that the hope 
and expectation that some of these revo- 
lutionary gentlemen are expressing 
that the soldiers are going to join hands 
with this revolutionary influence here 
is absolute nonsense. Our soldiers will 
not do it, they have so expressed them- 
selves — their action in Vancouver re- 
cently indicated what their action will 


be, and what we need to do is to turn 
our attention towards caring for our 
soldiers, and treating them as they 
deserve to be treated. 

I fear I have trespassed on the time 
of the evening too long, but when I 
get in the company and presence of 
railroad men, many of whom I have 
worked alongside of on committees 
and at meetings of various sorts I forget 
time. And by the way I forgot I am 
on the same paltform with a number of 
gentlemen with whom for years past 
we have attempted from time to time 
to iron out little disputes with. I am 
just wondering if 20 years ago it would 
have been possible for the President 
of the C. P. R. and some of the re- 
presentatives of the employees on 
that railroad to appear on the same 
platform in a public meeting. I am 
delighted and I hope the President 
of the C. P. R. does not feel that it in 
an}' way detracts from his dignity, to 
join in an occasion of this sort. May I 
say to you that for twelve years it has 
been my humble ambition to do what 
I could to assist in promoting the spirit 
of co-operation and better understand- 
ing as between our railway employers 
and employees, and that by reasonable 
conservative consistent methods, the 
differences which arise from time to 
time and the needs of each other as 
they appear, shall be settled by peaceful 
means, and that we should feel that the 
interests of each is the interest of both 
rather than that the interests of each 
are diametrically opposed. As time goes 
by we see from year to year that those 
relations get better, and the respect 


RAILROADERS ! 

For Service and A Square Deal 
PATRONIZE 

THE OTTAWA ELECTRIC CO. 

35 Sparks Street, OTTAWA. Tel. Q. 5000 

One Good Turn Deserves Another 


Page 18 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


for each other increases, I hope that it 
will be demonstrated clearly by results 
that co-operation both as to relation- 
ship in negotiations and also in service 
itself upon the railways will amply 
justify the co-operative spirit that we 
are attempting to promote. 

I thank you for having had this 
opportunity and desire to wish every 
success to the Fifth Sunday Meeting 
Association movement. This is the third 
opportunity 1 have had of being with 
you. I have known Mr. Woodward and 
Mr. Pierce and the other gentlemen 
on the Board of Directors, and 1 know 
that their intentions are right and 
sound and good and all that they need 
is your assistance and backing to ex- 
tend the good work in order that Can- 
ada's railroad men, 170,000 in number 
may wield a unanimous and consistent 
influence for good and happiness not 
only among your own kind but parti- 
cularly among other labor men as you 
come in contact with them. It is true, 
and it is right for the railroad organic- ’ 
at ions who have perhaps been in exist- 
ence longer than most of the organisa- 
tions in other industries, that you are 
looked to by many other organizations 
and members as a pattern which they 
may follow with safety, and the ex- 
ample that the railroad organizations 
set will be recorded and in many more 
instances than you realize will be re- 
spected and followed by the great army 
of Canada’s working people who during 
more recent years have attempted to 
organize themselves for collective bar- 
gaining with their employers. And 
therefore 1 regard them as having a 
double duty, the duty that they owe 
to themselves and their families to do 
their duty to themselves and also the 
duty that they have to so continue to 
conduct their business, in the same 
conservative way as in years past and 
thereby guide younger and other orga- 
nizations into the same paths of proper 
dealing. 

THE CHAIRMAN:— 

M Y FRIENDS, as an old employee 
of the Canadian Pacific Rail- 
way Company, I can conscien- 
tiously say this evening, that I always 
esteemed it an honor to work even in my 
humble capacity, for that great corpora- 
tion, you will therefore appreciate the 


pride I naturally feel, in enjoying the 
honor of presiding over this meeting, to 
be addressed by its President. Like Sen- 
ator Robertson, Mr. Beatty requires no 
formal introduction especially to an au- 
dience so largely composed of railway- 
men. As the directing head of the 
greatest transportation organization in 
existence, his name is of world-wide sig- 
nificance, his career is known to all of 
us, it has fallen to the lot of few men, 
to have achieved so commanding a posi- 
tion, at a compartaively early age, and 
this is the highest tribute that could be 
paid to the business capacity of any 
man. In that, it must be, as we know 
it was in his case, the reward for ability, 
capacity, and integrity in the discharge 
of the manifold important duties, with 
which he has been concerned during his 
railway career. 

I have much pleasure in introducing 
Mr. Beatty. 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen — 

When your president, Mr. Wood- 
ward, asked me to speak to you to- 
night, he mentioned an address which 
had been delivered by Professor Lea- 
cock, of McGill University, and, no 
doubt, in an effort to impress me with 
the fact that I was not assuming too 
difficult a task, he pictured how my 
friend Professor Leacock, had stood be- 
fore you without notes and spoke inter- 
estingly and instructively for an hour. 
Mr. Woodward forgot that for years 
Professor Leacock has been earning 
his living by speaking and writing whi- 
le 1 have eked out an existence by not 
doing so. I have been practising law 
for almost eighteen years, and I cannot 
recall ever having made a speech that 
I did not have to make. 

It is a mystery to me how people 
can make a living out of talking and 
writing. If I had to do it, I would 
slowly starve to death. 

Mr. Woodward also assumed, and I 
admit that tradition rather supports 
him in the assumption, that railway 
presidents are at liberty to speak with 
authority on almost any subject, from 
the character of woman’s clothes to 
the Government ownership of railways. 
My views on the first — single presid- 
ents have their limitations — would not 
be of much value, and on the second 
perhaps considered not unbiased. 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 19 


Not Role of Mentor 

In spite of the tradition I have men- 
tioned as to the freedom with which 
railway executives are at liberty to 
discuss general questions, I do not pro- 
pose to play the role of mentor to this 
or any other community, and this will 
explain why Mr. Woodward’s suggest- 
ion, though the honor of it was keenly 
appreciated, caused me to hesitate. I 
felt then, as I do now, that others much 
better qualified to speak on these sub- 
jects might have been chosen, and you 
would be glad to hear them. 

However, it is one of the develop- 
ments of the past four years of stress 
and strife, of the serious character of 
the emergency which we faced and the 
problems which we have yet to meet, 
which seems to make it obligatory upon 
all citizens of Canada to direct their 
minds to the serious consideration of 
these problems, and permits of a frank- 
er and freer exchange of views in the 
common interest than would otherwise 
be perhaps necessary or desirable. 

The people of Canada are more alive 
than ever to the necessity of a careful 
consideration of these national and do- 
mestic problems and their experience 
during the war; even that experience 
which dealt with the activities of in- 
dustries and of the people at home, has 
tended in a large measure to make them 
aware of the national importance of 


thoughtful consideration of national 
questions. 

Second only to the actual military 
activities of this nation and those act- 
ivities which form a proper corollary to 
it, is the lasting national effect of the 
campaigns among the people at home, 
which the war has rendered necessary. 

When I say this I mean campaigns 
such as the Victory Loan, Patriotic 
Campaign, and the Red Cross, during 
the past four years. We have not yet 
reached a realization of the effect upon 
the people of this country of the com- 
bined effect of the effort of thousands 
of men and women working for one 
purpose only — the common interest of 
their country and their country’s peo- 
ple who are overseas or at home, and 
to discuss their country’s need with 
each other. 

In the Victory Loan and Patriotic 
Campaigns it struck me as a natural 
consequence of the activities of these 
men and women that more real Can- 
adian sentiment was evoked and a 
keener appreciation of the elemental 
principles of Canadian citizenship was 
reached than in any Canadian effort 
short of our actual military and war 
industrial activities. 

The aftermath of the war is filled 
with problems in comparison with which 
the conduct of the war itself may turn 
out to be a comparatively simple mat- 
ter, and if in the solution of those pro- 


DENTAL WORK of QUALITY 

Once a person has made up his mind to have 
dental work performed, the first thought is 
where can L get this dentistry scientifically 
done and with as little pain as possible at a 
reasonable price? 

\ATl KALLV you wish to go to a dentist 
that has a reputation of doing thorough, 
guaranteed work. 

HOW MANY TIMES during your life have 
you heard some friend say. “I am certainly 
sorry 1 did not take care of my teeth sooner 
than 1 did! If I only knew it could be ac- 
complished with so little pain, I never would 
have put it off as I did.” 

Our offices are without a doubt the best 
electrically equipped and most modern in 
Canada to-day. As to the quality of work 
you obtain, the treatment you receive, we 
gladly refer you to thousands of satisfied 
patients, who throng our offices every day.* 

Have your teeth taken care of by 

THE FRANCO-AMERICAN DENTAL INSTITUTE 

162 ST. DENIS STREET, s ut c t a l t e h^Vm° e w MONTREAL 



Specialist Dentists from Chicago, 
Boston n ml Xew York. 


Page 20 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


blems in that aftermath, and even after 
that, the foundation is laid for a pro- 
per appreciation of duty, tolerance, fair 
dealing and united effort, the results 
of our consideration of these questions 
will be right. 

1 understand that the majority of 
your members are connected with trans- 
portation companies, and I can there- 
fore speak with freedom on those as- 
pects of Canadian development which 
pertain particularly to your chosen 
work. No one associated with transport- 
ation during the past four years has 
any reason to feel ashamed of the part 
which he or they or the companies have 
played in Canada's share in the war. 

Railways’ Proud Part 

Only one country was able to main- 
tain without interruption from the be- 
ginning to the end of the war an open 
highway across the Western hemisphe- 
re — this was the Dominion of Canada, 
with her three transcontinental rail- 
ways. I hope you will remember it 
because it is a matter of pride. In other 
words, in spite of the fact that Can- 
ada 's weather conditions were more ar- 
duous for railroad work than those of 
any other country in the world except 
Siberia, Canada’s was the one route 
which, without regard to consideration 
of neutrality, never failed, between 
Hong Kong, Shanghai, Yokohama, and 
Vladivostok on the one hand, and Liv- 
erpool, London, Plymouth, Glasgow and 
French ports on the other. 

Canada was in the war from the be- 
ginning; lost her railroad workers by 
hundreds and thousands, and was the 
first big country outide of Russia to 
have to handle large bodies of troops 
over great distances. The demand for 
ships threw upon the Canadian rail- 
ways a large percentage of the tonnage 
of coal, wheat and general percentage 
of the tonnage of coal, wheat and gen- 
eral merchandise which had formerly 
been carried on the Great Lakes and the 
St. Lawrence,. The growth of the mu- 
nitions industry' created complex var- 
iations in the character, volume and 
direction of traffic. Overseas exports 
rose from approximately one million 
tons in 1915, per annum, to over five 
millions tons in 1918. Exports to the 
United States were swelled by the 
greater demand for Canadian raw ma- 


terials caused by the growth of the 
munitions industry in that country and 
by the cutting off of overseas supplies. 

The railway workers in older and 
richer countries allowed their services 
to collapse after a much shorter period 
of strain than Canada’s, with the re- 
sult that their ports were blockaded 
and their industries strangled, throw- 
ing still further burdens upon the Can- 
adian lines, while, on the other hand, 
the Canadian railway workers were 
able to maintain their service without 
breakdown, save for local and tempor- 
ary situations due to unusually severe 
weather conditions. 

In consequence, therefore, of the rec- 
ord established by Canadian railways, 
it is particularly appropriate to discuss 
railway problems with those men whose 
loyalty, self-sacrifice and efficiency has 
made Canada’s great transportation 
record possible. 

As one who till recently was by pro- 
fession a lawyer, I instinctively read 
your constitution and platform before 
coming to address you this evening. It 
was, therefore, of especial interest to 
me to find on the first page of your of- 
ficial prospectus the following sentence: 

"The people have just begun to learn 
“what can be accomplished by legis- 
lation. A few men decide that the 
“clock shall be set forward an hour. 

The next day it is law, and on the fol- 
lowing day millions of people change 
kk the routine of their lives and live and 
“adapt themselves to the new system. 
kk A small group of lawmakers decide 
“to take a registration of the man and 
“woman power of the Dominion. A 
“new order is issued, and the lives of 
“millions become an open book in the 
“archives of the Government. It is de- 
“ sired to regulate the supply and dis- 
tribution of coal— a matter of life and 
“death. The lawmaker, again at work, 
“regulates the amount of coal you may 
“burn in your furnace. 

“We have learned with startling 
“suddenness the invincible power of the 
"law. It has become increasingly clear 

that in the future in the fervid, fev- 
erish days of reconstruction that are 
“soon to come, labor must be directly 

represented in the lawmaking bodies 
“of the Dominion if the working class- 
“e R are to secure the kind of legislat- 
ion that will protect their interests. ” 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 21 


The first article in your Constitution 
expresses your ambitions: 

“The object and aim of this Associa- 
tion shall be to bring about, by direct 
“political action, the election to office 
“of the greatest possible number of the 
“country's workmen (those who toil 
“by hand or brain) as will secure the 
“fullest individual liberty and the most 
“widely diffused equality of opportu- 
nity in all that concerns the lives of 
“our citizens, with the ultimate aim of 
“the attainment of real democracy in 
“Government industry." 

If the political result of your Asso- 
ciation, which at present consists al- 
most entirely of railway workers, is to 
bring into Parliament more railway 
men, 1 wish you all success in your ef- 
forts. Such an achievement would be 
of immense benefit to the people of 
Canada. You have a shining example 
in the case of my friend and fellow- 
speaker to-night, a railway man who 
by his ability has won a distinguished 
place in the Government of Canada, the 
Honourable Gideon Robertson. I wish 
we had more men like him in Parlia- 
ment to-day. 

Senator Robertson is an example of 
the modern labor man, sane, safe, insist- 
ent in labor's cause, but not swept off 
his feet by every passing breeze. 1 
trust that he will fill the position he 
holds with satisfaction to the labor men, 
as well as to the citizens of Canada as 
a whole. 

In view of the important part that 
the railway industry plays in the eco- 
nomics of Canada, there are far too few 
railway men at Ottawa, with the result 
that legislation affecting railway men 
is too often voted and decided upon by 
majorities which are not sufficiently 
acquainted with the facts. 

A few weeks ago, when I was on a 
trip West, I learned that the conductor 
on the train was a member of the House 
of Commons for Nipissing, Conductor 
Harrison. I had a long chat with him. 
He was not a politician, using that 
much abused term in its popular sense, 
but a straightforward, clean represent- 
ative of the people, whose record with 
the company was such as to warrant 
the conviction that he would be a cre- 
dit to the House. He was a new mem- 


PYORRHOEA 

ALVEOLARIS, 

(Riggs’ Disease). 

This disagreeable affection was for many 
years the bete noire of dentistry. It is a 
disease of the membrane and structure sur- 
rounding the roots of teeth; it is character 
ized by a discharge of pus from the free 
margin of 'the gum and is due to long con- 
tinued irritating influences. Pockets form 
under the gum along the side of the root 
owing to the destruction of the vital mem- 
brane and the alveolar process, or support- 
ing structure, due t-o the action of pus. The 
teeth become loosened, elongated and dis- 
arranged, so that frequently teeth that arc 
themselves structurally perfectly sound in 
all respects are caused to fall out and be 
lost. 

Pyorrhoea is frequently the cause of 
stomach and bowel disorders owing to con- 
stant swallowing or pus germs ; indeed, 
many are treating for systematic disorders 
which would be eliminated by treatment of 
the Pyorrhoea. Don ’t inflict this disease 
upon yourself, nor its disagreeable features 
upon your friends. A few minutes talk 
with the New York Dental Co., Ltd., 288 
St. Catherine Street West, Montreal, will 
convince you that you need suffer no longer. 
You can’t do a good thing too soon. 


her, but the sincerity and seriousness of 
his attitude toward public questions 
convinced me that the railway men were 
fortunate in having a man of his cali- 
bre chosen from among them to take 
part in the deliberations of Parliament. 

One has only to read your published 
platform to realize that the entry of 
railway workers as a political force 
would be of immense value to Canadian 
political life — for what is the first plank 
of your platform ? Let me read it word 
for word from your prospectus : 

“We pledge ourselves to support all 
educational plans and objects, munici- 
pal, provincial and dominion, where the 
evident purpose is to advance the stand- 
ard of education on a par with the most 
enlightened and progressive educational 
systems in force in any part of the 
world." 

A political association of working 
men which embraces as its first reform 


Page 22 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


the general advancement of the educa- 
tion of the people is certainly something 
new in Canadian politics, and deserves 
the warmest welcome. 

Railway Men in Parliament 

Among the questions which may pos- 
sibly come before Parliament is one 
which vitally affects the welfare of 
many of you who are present to-night. 

I said that there would be questions 
arising in the near future in which you 
have a peculiar interest. There is one 
question that I have in mind. It may 
not be too imminent, but may have to be 
discussed and decided in a few months, 
and if it is to be decided it is of the ut- 
most importance that railway men 
should be properly represented in the 
councils of parliament in order that 
their views be sufficiently heard before 
these policies are decided on. Otherwi- 
se the decision may be reached without 
your case being stated. I refer to the 
question of nationalization of railways. 
That question, when it is decided, will 
be decided by the representatives of 
the people at Ottawa, but only after 
the desire of the people as a whole is 
expressed. In the last analysis it will 
expressed through the members of the 
House of Commons and the Senate, 
but it will obviously be determined in 
accordance with the wishes of the ma- 
jority of the people of Canada. 

Representatives of railway workers 
in the House of Commons will be of the 
greatest assistance as expressing the 
voice of railway employees, and with- 
out that representation your voice may 
not be sufficiently heard. Those of you 
who are employees of the Canadaian 
Pacific and Grand Trunk may, by a 
vote of parliament, become overnight 
employees of the Government, without 
your case being officially stated. A 
great deal has been spoken and writ- 
ten on this very vital subject, much of 
it, unfortunately, by those who have an 
inadequate knowledge, or a wrong con- 
ception, of the problem. A great many 
theories are propounded by earnest- 
minded, sincere men, publicists, and 
others honestly believe that the nation- 
alization of all Canadian railways 
would be an advantage to Canada; and 
whether it will be to the advantage of 
Canada is the only aspect from which 


the subject should be approached. In 
order to decide it, however, we must 
rid ourselves of any misconception as 
to what it means. If you were buying 
a piece of land for farming purposes 
you would ascertain what is the value 
of the land you seek to acquire, and 
whether the possible results of your 
working it would justify the acquisi- 
tion. You would first, of course, have 
to decide whether or not you wanted 
to be a farmer. The Canadian people 
must decide whether they want to be 
railway owners and operators, and if 
so, what it will cost to acquire the rail- 
ways, and what will be the results of 
their administration of them when ac- 
quired. The systems involved are huge, 
and the number of employees affected 
is, I think, the largest, with one except- 
ion, of any single Canadian industry. 

Duties of State 

Now the misconception that I speak 
of, which I think exists, exists in the 
minds of those men who believe in pub- 
lic ownership of railways, is two-fold. 
It is first a misconception of the func- 
tions of the State, which is to regulate 
industrial enterprises, not manage 
them. It may be said that ownership 
may exist and yet that independent man- 
agement may be secured* through the 
medium of independent directorates. 
The difficulty which confronts us here 
is that it is almost impossible to divorce 
responsibility for management from the 
Government which lias the financial 
responsibility. It is difficult for the 
man who pays the bill to keep from in- 
terfering with the administration of his 
own property. This means, in the case 
of Government, political interference, 
and that is full of danger. The second 
misconception is that these' advocates 
have an idea that the systems could be 
acquired upon terms which, in some 
way, would be advantageous to the buy- 
ers. In other words, that because the 
purchasers are the people, something 
less than the value of the properties 
would be paid. Fundamentally this is 
wrong. We have a right to assume that 
the Government in acquiring property 
would acquire it on the same basis as an 
individual, and that they would pay 
what the property is worth. If they pay 
what the properties are worth they would 
pay or become liable for more than a 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 2.) 


billion and a halt* property, and would 
they have reasonable assurance of their 
ability to administer them when acquir- 
ed in such a way that the results will be 
satisfactory? The crux of the whole 
thing lies in this, namely, the ability of 
Governments to carry on enterprises 
such as these with the same competency 
and efficiency as can private owners. 
I am not attempting to persuade you to 
my views — they are not unalterable, but 
I am not convinced of the expediency 
nor wisdom of any such policy, because 
none of the advocates have been able to 
show ground for the faith that is in 
them. Before we change from the sys- 
tem which we understand, and which, 
in the case of some companies at least, 
has worked to the distinct advantage of 
Canada, we should be very sure that an 
improvement will be made, and the re- 
sults to the people, the owners, such as 
to warrant the extraordinary obligations 
they would assume. It would be a pity 
tq change from a system we know of to 
a system that we know very little about. 

I have said to you that my views may 
not be considered unprejudiced, owing 
to my long association with one company, 
which, after thirty years, has developed 
slowly to a point of efficiency and suc- 
cessful operation, and whose success and 
efficiency are in a large part due to men 
whose enterprise, resourcefulness, and 
loyalty could not have been stimulated 
in any civil service. I realize fully the 
extent to which the success of the Can- 
adian Pacific has been due to the loyalty 
of the officers and men in it, and I have 
never seen quite the same spirit in any 
institution in which individual initiative 
was not fostered, or in which political 
pull or influence was substituted for ef- 
ficiency. There seems to be something 
clamping, and inducing indifference 
which results from the knowledge that a 
man is working for the Government. It 
may be the fault of our system, but it is 
a fact that Government service has not 
hitherto been as attractive to the wide- 
awake, progressive men of the country as 
it has been in some of the older lands 
across the sea, and, even with the advan- 
tages enjoyed in other countries, I am 
not aware of any single instance in which 
it can be said that the operation of huge 
industrial enterprises by the Government 
has, under normal conditions, been an 
unqualified success. 


Question for all Canada 

I have mentioned this subject, not 
with the idea of giving you a series of 
arguments for and against nationliza- 
tion of railways — I am intending rather 
to point out to you the magnitude and 
the importance of the problem of Can- 
ada, and the necessity for your workers, 
who have such a tremendous stake in the 
result, being properly represented in the 
councils where these policies will be pre- 
pared. Next to the war itself, it is prob- 
ably the most vital problem to Canada. 
It cannot and should not be decided by 
the views of extremists on either side. 
It cannot be determined in accordance 
with the wishes or interests of financiers, 
stockholders, politicians, or of any one 
set of them. It must be determined upon 
the one ground, namely, balancing its 
advantages with its disadvantages, which 
is in the best interest of Canada. There 
will be, I am convinced, no question of 
confiscation involved, because no one 
will, I think, seriously suggest that any- 
one’s property should be taken without 
adequate compensation. 

It is purely a question of what is the 
wise and prudent thing to do, and in 
order to reach that decision the most 
careful consideration and analysis of the 
results here and in other countries is 
necessary. When 1 can only say to you 
that these problems deserve the gravest 
consideration, I can, I think, approach 
with greater certainty the question of 
what we should do at the moment. 

This much may, it seems to me, be 
said with confidence now, namely, that 
we do not know enough that is encour- 
aging about Government operation of 
large railway systems to justify any fur- 
ther excursions into that field at this 
time. To argue from the experience of 
old countries where civil service obtains 
a much better share of the ambitious 
young men than in Canada, or to argue 
from the alleged success of comparative- 
ly local affairs, or Government organiza- 
tions dominated by exceptional person- 
alities, is unfair — not to the railways, 
but to the country which has so much at 
stake in this issue. We can well afford 
to wait, to study dispassionately our 
own situation and the experiment of the 
United States before committing our 
country to serious changes in policy. The 
solution finally adopted in the United 


Page 24 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


States will be of inestimable value to 
Canada. Meantime, too, the experience 
which Canada will now have of the pre- 
sent newly organized Government sys- 
tem will demonstrate many things. Tt 
will indicate very largely the general 
nature of the results we may hope to 
secure from an extension of the system. 

Need for Caution 

Now you have a railway sign, and on 
it is, “Stop, Look and Listen. ” You 
have also heard the expressions, “Wait 
and See,” and “Watch and Pray.” You 
have been warned not to “Marry in 
haste and repent at leisure.” All 
through your lives you have been met 
with the necessity for caution when you 
are approaching the unknown. There 
are times when prudence must prevail, 
and one of those times is when communi- 
ties are facing a problem of great vital 
national importance, but filled with 
doubt. 

For the moment, therefore, I think we 
can say with absolute certainty that until 
we know more about Government opera- 
tion in Canada and the United States, 
we should not embark upon permanent 
policies, because to do so without the 
advantage of this information — infor- 
mation available in due time — in fact, 
without the knowledge essential to the 
determination of the problem, would be 
to my mind the height of folly. 

In the education of your members for 
political discussion, the study of econo- 
mics must naturally play a large part. 
1 see in the list of books recommended 
for your perusal in the Canadian Rail- 
roader , the works of such men as Adam 
Smith, Ricardo, Henry George and 
others — a very representative collection. 
A knowledge of the great writers on 
economics is of great value to those who 
wish to discuss intelligently the economic 
problems of to-day. 

It is not my intention to speak to you 
on economics, but there is one economic 
fact in connection with the nationaliza- 
tion of railways, and that is the propor- 
tion of the obligations which would fall 
upon you as railway employees, who 
form so large a portion of the indus- 
trial population of Canada. In the event 
of the Government taking over the rail- 
ways, large sums of money would be re- 
quired. If the money did not have to 
be raised the obligations would be there 


just the same, and with the large num- 
ber of railway employees compared with 
workers in other industries, the propor- 
tion of the obligation falling upon them 
would be relatively great. 

Harmony Prevails 

I am very glad to say that the rela- 
tions between the managements of the 
Canadian railways and the employees 
were never so harmonious as they are 
to-day. I see no reason why they should 
not continue. 

It was my privilege to have something 
to do in the last stages of the formation 
of what is known as the “Railway Board 
of Adjustment No 1,” in the formation 
of which, as you know, my friend the 
present Minister of Labor took such 
a prominent part. The vice-presidents 
of your orders were there ; the executives 
of the railways were there also, and for 
the best part of a day we discussed the 
essential clauses of the agreement which 
brought the Railway Board of Adjust- 
ment No. 1 into existepce. 

I did not know the vice-presidents of 
your orders as well as most railway 
executives. I had met some of them 
years ago, but I want to say to you now 
that if the attitude of Labor and of the 
railway officers in all cases was that as 
was then shown by Messrs. Kennedy, 
Berry, Murdock, Wark, Turnbull and 
Mein, and the other labor leaders, and 
which atitude has constantly, I am ad- 
vised, been continued, there would be 
little possibility of difficulties arising 
which were not Capable of amicable ad- 
justment. I considered — and lawyer- 
like I was doing a good deal of the talk- 
ing myself— that I had rarely met men 
who took a more broadminded, fair and 
temperate view of the situation than did 
these men who on that occasion repre- 
sented the unions. They were men of 
breadth and outstanding ability. They 
were sincerely patriotic, and obviously 
desirous that this machinery, which 
would prevent disturbances, should be 
put in motion in a way which would be 
fair to themselves, the members of their 
unions, and to the railway companies. 

The spirit which actuated the railway 
executives and the representatives of the 
men on that day, is the spirit which we 
must bring to bear in the solution of 
many of these after-the-war problems. 
The interests of the managements and 


Page 2.) 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


the employees are identical. The rail- 
ways have placed upon them a very great 
responsibility at this time of reconstruc- 
1 ion. demobilization and development. 
They are the arteries of commerce, of 
industry, and agriculture, and much 
cessation or sluggishness in the circula- 
tion might be almost disastrous to our 
economic independence. But there will 
be changes, and if there is one thing 
more than another that I wish you to 
take away with you to-night for serious 
consideration that is the fact that in 
these changes, which are the natural con- 
sequence of the violent dislocation of all 
industry, due to the war, no one interest 
must be allowed to prevail, and in the 
transition in order to get back to normal, 
you men can do your part to readjust 
yourselves to the altered conditions in the 
spirit of consideration and fairness — the 
essentiality of which this war has made 
very apparent. 

L adies and gentlemen: Our 

next speaker is one we will all 
welcome, with the heartiest sym- 
pathy and pleasure, he is particularly 
welcome to all labor unionist, a type of 
man the labor movement of the Mother 
Land is bringing to the surface, who are 
so positively making their influence felt 
in the Old Land. They will have a great 
influence in shaping the destinies of the 
new order. The Labor Party today in 
England, constitutes the dominant op- 
position, in the mother of parliaments, 
and I am sure after we have heard Mr. 
Wright, we will not be surprised that 
such is the destiny, of British politics, 
under the leadership of the able men the 
Labor Party of Great Britain has pro- 
duced, we may feel every confidence, 
and assurance, that the political destinies 
of the nation, and the empire, are in no 
peril, and will continue that progressive 
movement, that has kept the Motherland, 
in the vanguard of national, and inter- 
national development. 1 have much 
pleasure in introducing Mr. Wright. 

M R. PETER WRIGHT : It is a 
treat for me to-night to listen 
to the very interesting remarks 
made by the two gentlemen who have 
spoken and I would like to say at the 
outset I am highly delighted to have 
the privilege of speaking to the railway- 
men. I have been in close touch with 
the railwaymen for the last twenty- 


five years and one of my most intimate 
pals in town is Jimmy Thomas. I am 
keenly interested in him and in the men 
because they are to-day in Great Bri- 
tain the best type of men in the labor 
movement, due to one or two factors. 
They are the only class that are subject 
to systematic rule in the way of disci- 
pline and so on and that has produced 
certain educational results which I 
have never seen outside of railwaymen. 
Of course, there are difficulties some- 
times. Your Minister of Labor told 
3 ’ou not to take any heed of the Bol- 
shies. Well, I just want to give you an 
illustration of what occured three 
months ago in Great Britain, and that 
is likely to occur here unless the work- 
ingmen of Canada are on their guard. 
You know the railwaymen in Great 
Britain, prior to the war, — I think Mr. 
Beatty will support me in this — were 
the worts paid men amongst the work- 
ingmen, and during the war they have 
been treated and placed into what I 
would term abnormal conditions. Three 
months ago, an executive elected by the 
men led by Jim Thomas, came to a 
common agreement, with the railway 
executive which was accepted by every- 
one. It was submitted during a week- 
end before every railway centre to the 
men for their adoption or their rejec- 
tion and was practically accepted every- 
where, except in that particular part 
where I am living, which is a hot bed 
for the Bolshies. Now what did they 
do? This particular Sunday night they 
held a meeting — and I want you to 
remember this that wherever these 
chaps are prominent they generally 
hold the chairmanship of the branch, 
and you will find that the secretary is 
also of that calibre, also the treasurer 
and all the moving lights in that par- 
ticular branch are men of that parti- 
cular philosophy. They held a meet- 
ing, all the men were summoned, and 
you know the majority of them were 
comfortably sitting by their firesides 
smoking their pipe and they did not 
want to go out to this meeting. But the 
Bolshies turned out, everyone of them 
and what did they do? They held a 
meeting on the quiet stating that at 
twelve o'clock they would go out, and 
at five o'clock in the morning all the 
Bolshies were at the corners waiting 
for the men to go to the railway shops, 


Page 26 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


men going to t lie local* shops, platelay- 
ers going to the lines. “Don’t go down, 
we have orders from headquarters to 
down tools” And right down the line 
to Newport, where I am living, the 
whole line was held up. I sent a wire 
to Jim, he 'left Paddintgon at 10.40 
came down to Newport, at two o’clock 
they were all there waiting at the sta- 
tion for him. And you know the Bol- 
shies had made up between them that 
they would not hear him. They would 
not give him, Jim Thomas, a hearing, 
and the leading lights in that whole 
affair were those Bolshies. The major- 
ity of the rank and file did not want 
to go against them and they had their 
way. Jim went to Cardiff, held a big 
meting because the Cardiff men would 
not go out. They said : “We have 
placed our confidence in the executive, 
they agreed and we assume they did 
the best they could for us. What’s the 
use if we don’t abide by their agree- 
ment. If we don’t approve of the exe- 
cutive replace them at the end of the 
war”. Jim Thomas resigned and said: 
“What’s the use of my being your 
leader. I do the best I can with my 
executive before the Railway Executive, 
who are business men, and yet a few of 
these men can upset the whole apple- 
cart”. Of course they did not stick 
it long, because these Bolshies are the 
biggest cowards on the face of God’s 
earth. I do not agree with my friend 
to take no heed of them, because they 
work like hell in season and out of 
season. They don’t lay quiet mind, 
they don’t follow out the eight hour 
movement. They will work 24 hours. 
The Government said frankly “If you 
select men to represent you and they 
as business men meet us and we come 
to an agreement you must abide by it, 
otherwise business is impossible. Twen- 
ty-four hours after our military boys 
came down from London and they told 
me at the station that they were deter- 
mined to see that our men in the tren- 
ches were not going to be cut up by 
those hounds who laid down their tools 
and within twenty-four hours they 
sneaked back like curs to their work 
and started. But they are only a few, 
the heart of the workingmen through- 
out the whole Empire is sound and I 
make that statement because they have 
proved during the last four years by 


their work, by their energy, by their 
support, that they are deserving of 
every credit that we can give them 
Now that is recognition and I don’t 
want you to wait and see as Mr. Beatty 
suggested, but 1 want you to lay hold 
of the opportunities that this war has 
presented to you and nothing but the 
war could have ever created what is 
in existence at the present time. Twenty 
years ago we had a big mine strike. 
Mabyn begged of me to go to various 
parts of the kingdom with a choir to 
collect money for the sake of feeding 
the women and children of the miners. 
The whole of South Wales was shut 
up. And then Mabyn came to me and 
said: “Will you go to London, and 
try and get an interview with the Pre- 
sident of the Board of Trade, with a 
view of persuading the Government to 
use their power to have compulsory 
arbitration. I will remember going 
to London. When I went to that per- 
manent department, I thought I was in 
Constantinople, trying to get into a 
harem. I sat there for a week and you 
ought to have seen some of those 1 met 
up and down. It did not come off. 
There was not a man in the House of 
Commons amongst the ministers who 
would interfere. They said “It is a 
fight between you and you must fight 
it out the best way you can”. A little 
time after 1 met another great man, 
called Lord Hamilton. 1 dare say you 
know him. I know him, I will never 
forget him. There was no alternative 
then. I used to meet shipowners and 
I tell you it was a warm time. They 
would not meet us at any price at first. 
1 remember Havelock Wilson, and he is 
not a bad chap. I told a shipowner 
one day “Look here, you meet Have- 
lock Wilson to-morrow and all disputes 
will be settled.” “Oh,” he said, “I could 
not, on no account, absolutely out of 
the question, impossible”. Well now 
during the last five years there has been 
brought about a remarkable change, 
and it is due to the fact that there has 
been an atmosphere created in which 
the employer or the capitalist, call him 
whatever you like, can see things in a 
light that he has never seen before. 
\ ery largely due to ignorance on our 
part and on his part, there was a mis- 
understanding. I will give you an in- 
stance. 1 was at Givenchy and crawl- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 27 


ing oil my knees up through the mud 
and came across a platoon in the front 
line. There was a young officer who 
had received a big box and he has hand- 
ing out the contents and sharing them 
amongst those men. I said to a lance 
corporal, “who is the man” and he said 
“lie is the son of a lord, and there is 
not a man in this territory who would 
not die for him. We love him, just love 
him.” A working man loving him a 
lord — you cannot conceive of it before 
the war. And I had a chat with the 
young lieutenant. My god, he loved 
everyone of those boys in the trenches. 
He told me before that he was in Cam- 
bridge. He would look down on you 
and I was a lump of dirt. To-day that 
is changed in its entirety. I am speak- 
ing as one of the Seamen’s organization 
leaders. We have fought more than 
any other organization in the kingdom, 
fought till we are sick and tired of it, 
fought for twenty-five years and we 
never had copper, always in the bank- 
ruptcy court, spending all our muni- 
tions in fighting, but we are going to 
adopt a different attitude in future. 
As a result of this war with proper 
leadership, judgment and prudence, we 
will be able, I believe, to improve our 
men on the sea in a manner that was 
inconceivable five years ago. As a re- 
sult of this war in every seaport in the 
United Kingdom, we have two of our 
men and two of the local shipowners, 
who form a board, and any matter in 
dispute is brought before them. They 
have an independent chairman agreed 
upon by both sides. Any matter that 
they cannot deal w r ith is submitted to 
the Maritime Board in London, of 
which I am a member, at the head of 
which is an independent man appointed 
by the Government and they deal with 
it. I believe that there is sound judg- 
ment and business capacity on both 
sides, and there is a new era confront- 
ing us so far as the seamen are concern- 
ed. 1 would like that applied to the 
whole of the industrial empire and 1 
will tell you why. We have been fight- 
ing and have lost the flower of our 
manhood. We have spent practically 
all our treasures. We have been living 
during the last five years upon credit 
in an artificial atmosphere. We are up 
to our eyes in debt in Great Britain. 
We have got to get 400,000,000 pounds 


every year to meet our interest. Of 
course the Bolshies say wipe it out, but 
you know there are too many men who 
have invested in the war loans in Great 
Britain and they will see that the Bol- 
shies are not going to wipe it out. I 
am not going to talk to you about eco- 
nomics. Of course, there is another side 
to the nationalization of railways. I 
quite appreciate the views taken by Mr. 
Beatty, but all I am asking you and the 
employers to use is common sense. 
That is the only thing that we are in 
need of at the moment. Common sense. 
If after this war, when we have been 
united, consolidated, fighting with one 
effort and aim in life, if we have to pass 
through an industrial war all the most 
violent tempers will be exhibited if we 
cannot obtain what we desire with 
common sense. I agree with Mr. Beatty. 
While I have been a strong supporter 
of railway nationalization for the last 
twenty-five years, I have seen a bit 
during this war by coming in contact 
with prominent officials and politicians 
and my God I have learned a lesson. I 
don't know what your complaints are 
here, and I assume you have got com- 
plaint at least I have, whatever they 
are now if you nationalize your rail- 
ways with the officialdom that is in 
existence to-day, the Lord help you 
and have mercy upon you. I had a chat 
with Havelock Wilson the other day, 
and he said: “One of our men, called 
Johnson, a very aggressive chap, a 
splendid fellow, mind, honest man, has 
every year put on the agenda for our 
annual meeting the nationalization of 
shipping. What are we going to do 
with this infernal thing?” I said “Sub- 
mit it”. And he said, “Look here 
Peter, you know all about how things 
have been going on. Would you accept 
all the ships if they were handed over 
to you?” I said “No, first of all with 
our officials we have not got the train- 
ing to run them successfully. Secondly, 
if they are handed over to the Govern- 
ment the people who are running them 
now would not work for them at any 
price and thirdly, if they were run by 
the admiralty or the Board of Trade 
well then God help the workers”. I 
believe in the principle, but not until 
you remove the greater bulk of the 
politicians and get business men into 
your House of Parliament who have the 


Page 28 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


courage to shift some of the ginks who 
have been put there for life for cen- 
turies and their offspring for another 
two centuries to come are likely to be 
there. Well, anyway, that does not 
matter to you, I am merely giving you 
my personal experience and I will sup- 
port that by evidence. I remember 
not long ago I had to meet a Cabinet 
Minister and they wanted me to sub- 
mit to naval discipline in the mercantile 
marine. Mr. Arthur Balfour said to 
me: “We must have naval discipline, 
because some of our chaps have a knack 
of getting tight and losing the tide”. 
“Is that all your difficulty”? I said. 
“1 will easily remove that. You shut 
up all the publics around the dock and 
that difficulty will be gotten over. As 
long as you will insist in allowing these 
incubators to remain there don’t hold 
me responsible. It is very hard lines 
when a man goes to sea he is shut up in 
the dark on account of the submarines, 
no light, does not know the moment he 
is going to be hurled into eternity. He 
can’t get a pint of beer at sea and when 
he goes ashore he likes to have a wet. 
A certain Cabinet Minister threatened 
me with arerst under the defence of the 
Realm Act. I told him if he did he 
would be glad to let me out in a hurry. 
The point l want to come to is this, 
that we are the only organization in 
the United Kingdom that has had no 
bother, due to the fact that we did not 
allow our organization to be handled 
by the Government. We have settled 
all our grievances direct with the ship- 
owners and they have met me- every 
time. I tell you I have a better opinion 
of these shipowners now. I understand 
them. I did not understand them be- 
fore, we never used to meet, I went out 
with the express purpose of having a 
fight. It is different to-day because 
we go direct to the people who are 
practical men who understand our 
grievances. If you come before a per- 
manent department it is the last hope. 
But 1 am not going to interfere with 
your business. I do hope that Canada 
in future, that you as working men, 
will keep closer to us than ever you 
have done before — there is an affinity 
between you and I which is stronger 
to-day that ever it has been in the past, 
because we understand one another, 
and I believe by close co-operation, by 


prudence and judgment, by co-operat- 
ing with Great Britain, Australia, Afri- 
ca and Canada, there is a great future 
in store for labor. While 1 do not 
agree at the moment on account of con- 
ditions, in nationalization, I want to 
suggest to my friend Mr. Beatty, that 
the worker must have a greater share 
in the control, and that can be done. 
Why should not the working man if he 
is an employee be represented on that 
board as well as the shareholders? He 
is not to-day, but I believe that is the 
only possible solution to have the work- 
ers themselves represented on the board 
of any concern, whatever it may be. 
I feel that there are men amongst the 
workers to-day who would do credit 
to that particular position from what I 
have seen. Take a man like Clynes. 
I want to pay this tribute to Clynes. 
I remember Lord Rhondda called on 
me one day and told me he wanted to 
see me. He said all our ships are going 
down. We want all the ships we can 
get to bring across the American troops, 
and we can’t get meat. The population 
is already reduced down to the lowest 
possible minimum ration. What can 
you do? Are you willing to take a re- 
duction in the meat allowance for sea- 
men? I told him yes of half a pound. 
That meant 75,000 pounds of meat less 
for the seamen, but not a man kicked 
against that. But while I spoke to him 
he said: “You see that little man, Cly- 
nes. He is a wonderful man. I am 
getting all the credit for the work that 
that little chap is doing”. Just fancy 
Lord Rhondda paying a striking tri- 
bute like that to a man like Clynes. 
Take your own Minister of Labor, 
who is a sound man, who has hidden 
potentialities and unknown qualities if 
they only get the opportunity to bring 
them out. I believe the introduction of 
labor representatives on any railway 
board would be the means of placing 
the point of view of the men before the 
directors and you would educate the 
working men in the intricacies and dif- 
ficulties with which the ordinary rank 
and file is not acquainted at the pre- 
sent moment. On these lines, I hope 
we will be able to remove the difficulties 
in future with which we have been con- 
cerned in the past. 

I don’t think it is wise that we as 
working men should accept a reduc- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 29 


tion iii wages, because I believe by men 
paying greater interest to their work 
and producing probably a greater out- 
put they will be able without bringing 
any loss to the nation to retain the 
wage which they hold at present. At 
any rate that is our view in the United 
Kingdom. I don’t know the economic 
conditions prevailing here but I do feel 
that with a wonderful country like 
Canada there are great possibilities in 
store. 1 am greatly struck with the pos- 
sibilities in this nation and I believe 
that if you would only co-operate, use 
the brains that you have, use your 
franchise, use your power and your 
brain as citizens you could make Can- 
ada one of the finest nations under the 
canopy of Heaven, because you have 
such wonderful opportunities of mak- 
ing headway which do not exist in 
Great Britain at the present moment. 

I ask you to co-operate closer than 
you ever have done in the past and to 
get together for a better system of 
education. I am very much disappoint- 
ed since 1 have been in Canada to find 
that sufficient attention is not being 
paid to the need of educating the child. 

\ ou cannot blame the public men be- 
cause after all they are the reflex of 
public opinion. As a well known writer 
said the hope of the earth is the 
spring, so the hope of the race is’ the 
child”. You may do what you like, 
you may improve your hours, increase 
your wages, do all sorts of things, but 
what you are in need of is a better 
inculcation of knowledge. At the pre- 
sent time, the system of education in 
your schools is paying too much time 
and attention as to how children should 
behave in the life hereafter and not 
sufficient time devoted to their studies 
as citizens while they are here. Second- 
ly, the curriculum that you have is 
wholely and solely employed for the 
purpose of making them profit making 
machines, to create surplus value, cram- 
ming them. I want you to pay more 
attention to children’s education and 
to see that in every infant in school every 
child is taught by the best men and 
women that you can lay hold of. If 
you invest that child with a good sound 
foundation then you will have a good 
citizen in the future. 

1 want you to see that equality of 
opportunity is secured by every child. 


That does not exist in Canada. It is 
the duty of the nation and the duty of 
the citizens to see that every oppor- 
tunity is opened up. There are thous- 
ands of people that never had a chance 
or an opportunity which is a distinct 
loss to the nation. You cannot afford 
that. Therefore whatever you do, and 
I say that having been an agitator for 
thirty years, I have said in season and 
out of season that it is absolutely futile, 
do what you like, unless you start with 
the child and educate that child you 
will never bring about that system of 
society, which, you and I aspire to at 
this moment. Pay attention to that. 
There are many things that you can do, 
and I know the possibilities. I have 
to-day 40,000 children under my 
charge. I am also on the court of gov- 
ernors of the university. I know the 
value and know what can be done for 
the child of the workers. You are too 
slack, you want shaking up. I want 
you to pay attention to that because 
the wealth of the nation cannot be 
measured by mere pounds, shillings and 
pence it is only the child, the men and 
women of the future, who are the great- 
est assets to any nation. Unless you 
educate the worker you will always have 
trouble in future. It is lack of know- 
ledge, the lack of understanding, the 
impossibility of it unless you give them 
the conception of greater things. I have 
gone through the rules and recommenda- 
tions of your society, and I tell you there 
is something above materialistic in the 
whole scheme. I have ahvays felt, 
although I never go to church or cha- 
pel, so don’t misunderstand me, that 
the human problem is a spiritual pro- 
blem. It is a big problem. I am always 
down on the Bolshies because they say 
you kill all the capitalists and share it 
all out, and then when you have spent 
it all, share it out again. That is their 
philosophy you know r , have as many 
wives you like — I have quite enough 
with one — that is their idea. I have 
always said 3 r ou can never make men 
what they ought to be by act of Par- 
liament. The curse of all things to-day 
is selfishness. You have got to root 
that out and remove it. Selfishness on 
both sides that can only be removed 
by the recognition in the heart and 
mind of every man that he is here for 
a purpose, that he is here reaping the 


Page 30 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


advantages gained by his forefathers 
century after century, and that he has 
a duty to perform, and that is to edu- 
cate himself, mind, body and soul so 
that destiny may reap the advantage 
of those who come after him. There- 
fore your organization, starting a news- 
paper, will be able to bring about an 
education which is badly neded. Our 
newspapers to-day give us one sided 
news. Editors cannot do as they like. 
They are controlled by a Board which 
is very often interested in certain things 
and they have got to act in accordance 
with that Board. I hope you will make 
that organ a useful paper for the pur- 
pose of preaching the right propaganda 
and enlightening men of the possibili- 
ties within their own political franchise 
to-day of creating a new era and a new 
epoch. 1 hope and wish you all suc- 
cess, asking you to co-operate with us, 
to unite with us and to be very care- 
ful just now while we are passing 
through one of the most dangerous 
periods, that of transition. If we keep 
our heads for the next twelve months 
I believe the whole world will receive 
a wave of prosperity such as was never 
known before in history. That is my 
own view. It is the view of the sane 
coohheaded business man and labor 
man. If we keep that in view, keep 
the Bolshies down, keep an eye on 
them, support the men that are deserv- 
ing of support like your Minister of 
Labor, who has a tremendous task, 
and he is only a human being, and can 
only become great and do mighty 
things as long as you will give him your 
support, because that is the only thing 
he can rely on and that is the only sup- 
port he has to stand behind him — do 
this and you will be all right. I wish 
you all good luck and prosperity and I 
am sure great success will be in store 
for you in Canada and right throughout 
this continent. 

The Chairman : — Before calling on 
our members to move the vote of thanks 
I wish to personally thank Mr. Beatty, 
Senator Robertson and Mr. Wright for 
coming to speak to us to-night. I am 
sure we have all enjoyed very much 
what we have heard. I also want to 
remind you of the application for mem- 
bership cards which were delivered to 
you when you came in. I would like 
you to fill those out as many as possible 


and mail them to our office. We can 
only carry on this work if you support 
us. It is a work I believe that has a 
great future and great possibilities, to 
go out and try to improve society, 
and work out a better social order to 
make this a better happier and freer 
country to live in. I am going to call 
on two of our members, a C. P. R. 
engineer and a G. T. R. conductor to 
move the vote of thanks. 

Mr. Sam Dale: — From the recepe- 
tion given the speakers this evening 
and the attention which they received 
I believe I am perfectly justified in 
saying we have spent not only a very 
interesting but a ver} r profitable even- 
ing together. Standing as each one 
does so high in public estimation, occu- 
pying as they do positions of respon- 
sibility^, their remarks naturally carry 
weight and to those gentlemen who 
have given us of their time and have 
enabled us to spend such an interest- 
ing and instructive evening I as a mem- 
ber of the Fifth Sunday Meeting As- 
sociation have great pleasure in mov- 
ing a hearty move of thanks to each of 
them. 

Mr. Sam. Pugh : — It gives me very 
great pleasure as a representative of 
the Grand Trunk to second the propo- 
sition. I was thinking while Mr. Ro- 
bertson was handing out the great 
eulogy of the President of the C. P. R. 
as being the greatest corporation in 
the world, that I as a Grand Trunk 
man could boast like two of my boys. 
One of them grew faster than the other, 
and the little fellow used to say I am 
bigger than you and the second young- 
ster said I am older than you. We 
wish you every success in holding the 
premier position which the Grand 
Trunk held till you wrestled it from us. 
It is very fitting that a Grand Trunk 
representative should second this mo- 
tion and I do it most heartily and sin- 
cerely without any tinge of regret, 
without doing any advertising, the 
Grand Trunk is still at the same old 
stand doing the same old business. If 
you doubt my words follow me for 31 
years. We are alongside of the C. P. 
R. for a number of miles and we have 
friendly rivalry and if the President 
was not here I would not mind telling 
you how a race comes out sometimes. 
But I will not go into details. I agree 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 31 


A CENTURY OLD CONCERN 


One hundred consecutive years in busi- 
ness is a lot which befalls few business hou- 
ses, but with the firm of Mappin & Webb 
the century mark has longb een passed. 
Joseph Mappin commenced business in the 
year 1810 in Sheffield, England, and since 
that time, success has crowned the ideals 
and endeavours of those who have and 
still have interest in this extensive con- 
cern. Today the company has one of the 
largest factories of its kind in the world 


and supplies some fourteen branches dis- 
tributed over the two hemispheres. 

In England there is the Sheffield store in 
connection with the factory and the three 
stores in London. In France there is a 
store in Paris, Nice and Biarritz, In Italy 
they are established in Rome and few 
European tourists miss their display in the 
town of Lausanne in Switzerland. South 
Africa, too, has its representative branch 
in Johannesburg, Brasil in San Paulo and 



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The diamond question is one which need? 
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White. 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 



Page 32 


the can a 1)1 an railroader 


with the President of the C. P. K. and 
heartily endorse the remark that we 
have in our labor representative a man 
who is sane safe and serious. As a labor 
man, a trades unionist all my life I feel 
proud to be here to listen to the wise 
and weighty words that have faJllen 
from the lips of the gentlemen holding 
the positions they do. I am sure we 
are not surprised when we have repre- 
sentatives like the gentlemen from the 
other side, Mr. Wright, that can sway 
audiences like he can, that they are 
doing something in the old country and 
they will do it well, and I will say, for 
the benefit of the men I am associated 
with and for Mr. Beatty and the other 
men from the top that I have always 
found that you can trust the working 
man, and just as Mr. Beatty has de- 
scribed it. I know most of those men 
thoroughly. They are well educated 
in the work, they have taken in hand. 
They were ordinary engineers, firemen, 
conductors and brakemen they have 
been schooled well and to-day the Pre- 
sident and General Superintendent 
copies and sits dowui and it is not a 
matter of brow beating or sharpness of 
wits, but a matter of laying your pro- 
position calmly and quietly on the 
table and it gets the very best con- 
sideration. In forty years experience 
the men have gotten nearly everything 
they asked for because they have only 
asked for that to which they have been 
entitled. You have said a new era is 
dawning. We have it right here now. 
We asked you to come here and have 
this splendid entertainment but there 


Subscribe to 

THE CANADIAN 
RAILROADER 


is work to be done, organizations have 
got to be affected and men have got to 
be selected. They have got to be sup- 
ported and maintained and each and 
every one of you have got a splendid 
and cheap opportunity of filling out 
the card for two dollars and becoming 
a charter member of this great organiz- 
ation in Canada. I heartily second the 
proposition. 

The motion was carried with accla- 
mation, and the meeting terminated. 


Railroad Men 

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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 3:5 


BANK OF MONTREAL 

Established Over 100 Years 


Capital Paid Up $16,000,000 


Rest 16,000,000 

Undivided Profits .... 1,901,613 


Total Assets 558,413,546 


BOARD OF DIRECTORS: 

Sir Vincent Meredith, Bart., President 
Sir Charles Gordon, G. B. E., Vice-President 
R. B. Angus, Esq. Lord Shaughnessy, K.C.V.O. C. R. Hosmer, Esq. 

II. R. Drummond, Esq. D. Forbes Angus, Esq. Wm. McMaster, Esq. 

Major Herbert Molson, M.O. Harold Kennedy, Esq. 

H. W. Beauclerk, Esq. G. B. Fraser, Esp. 

Colonel Henry Oockshutt, J. H. Ashdown, Esq. 

Head Office: MONTREAL 

General Manager— SIR FREDERICK WILLIAMS-TAYLOR 


BRANCHES OF THE BANK LOCATED IN ALL IMPORTANT CITIES 
AND TOWNS IN THE DOMINION 

Savings Department connected with each Canadian Branch ami 
interest allowed at current rates. 

Collections at all points throughout the world undertaken at favorable 
rates. 

Travellers’ Cheques, Limited Cheques and Travellers’ Letters of 
Credit issued, negotiable in all parts of the world. 

This Bank, with its Branches at every important point in Canada, 
offers exceptional facilities for the transaction of a general banking 
business. 


PRINCIPAL BRANCHES OUTSIDE OF CANADA: 


LONDON, Eng., 

47 Threadneedle St., E.C. 

G. C. CASSELS, Manager 
-••ub- Agencies — 9 Waterloo Place 
Pall Mall, S.W. 
Trafalgar Square, S.W. 

NEWFOUNDLAND: St. John's, 
Curling and Grand Falls 


NEW YORK: 64 Wall Street 
R. Y. HEBDEN, 

W. A. BOG, 

A. T. SMITH, 

Agents. 

CHICAGO: 108 South La Salle Street 
SPOKANE, Washington 
MEXICO, Mexico City 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 

RECONSTRU CTION 


STUDIES OF ITS VARIED ASPECTS AND PHASES 


NOTE. — ‘‘The Canadian Railroader” desires to ex- 
press its thanks and appreciation to Mr. Chapman, 
Francis Hankin and all members of the Reconstruc- 
tion Group for this valuable contribution to our 
magazine. 


T O find means of allaying the pre- 
sent restlessness in industry is 
one of the gravest problems 
that face those concerning themselves 
with Reconstruction. In seeking for 
remedies, one should endeavor to under- 
stand the fundamental principles that 
should govern all efforts, not. neglect- 
ing, however, the necessity of study- 
ing the causes that first brought these 
problems into being. 

In this introductory chapter, there- 
fore, I shall state these principles as 
many students see them, and I shall 
also give a general description of the 
scope of the chapters that follow. 

It is a common place to say that 
everyone is either directly connected 
with or indirectly concerned in the 
conditions surrounding industry, and 
therefore that all must be affected in 
some degree by the nature of the poli- 
cies developed to deal with the pro- 
blems of Industrial Reconstruction. 

Many depend directly upon Industry 
for the means by which they live, either 
by wages or salaries earned as a result 
of Labor, or by interest or economic 
rent arising from investment in Indus- 
try. The few who do not come into 
this large class are also much concern- 
ed with Industry which furnished them 
with the materials for their existence 
and their comfort. Stop entirely the 
wheels of industry for a few days only, 
and the results would be worse than 
those of the darkest days of the war. 

Most of us are so immersed in the 
details of our daily occupations, in 
professional, industrial or family work, 
or in endeavors to alleviate or palliate 
the evident distress that present itself 
to our vision, that vie are unable to 
detach ourselves from our multifarious 
duties in order to take an impersonal, 


unprejudiced, and perspective view of 
the conditions of our own and of other 
lives, and particularly to take proper 
notice of the momentous changes that 
have taken and are taking place, so as 
to be able to foresee and if possible, 
by taking thought to guide the further 
changes that must occur before we pass 
out of this life. 

How little do we appreciate at least 
the political and social changes of the 
last century — a matter of only three 
or four generations. For example, two 
boys aged ten and twelve years were 
sentenced to transportation for seven 
years at the Manchester Quarter Ses- 
sions, in 1813, for stealing linen from 
a werehouse. A boy of 14 was 
hung at Newport, in 1814, for stealing. 
Our training and environment, liberal 
compared with that of the period men- 
tioned, leads us to regard such action, 
based on law, with little less than 
horror. 

Our notions of liberty are also rapid- 
ly widening. We could not to-day ap- 
prove of the action of the magistrates 
who sentenced seven women to jail 
merely for saying “Boo” to strike 
breakers, in South Wales, in 1871. 

We must not, however, adopt too vir- 
tuous an attitude, lest, upon investiga- 
tion, we find that we are ourselves 
tacitly countenancing similar injusti- 
ces, or rather that they exist princi- 
pally becaunse we do n >t concern our- 
selves with the conditions o: living 
forced upon others or because we do 
not take the trouble to question the 
justice of our laws and conditions of 
life. 

Let me further emphasize the rapidity 
of change, in one lifetime, by stating 
briefly the experiences of Mr. Frede- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 35 


ric Harrison, the noted English writer, 
during his 87 years of life. He says : 

I look back with amazement on the progress 
of (civilization even within my own lifetime. 
At any birth in 3831, slave-holding was legal 
within the Dominions of the Crown in a Par- 
liament of rotten boroughs Birmingham had 
no member, but Grampound had. Until 1834 
there was no public grant for Education, and 
then it was only £20,000. Exclusive State 
Churches dominated in Ireland, Scotland, and 
England. Food was cruelly taxed by tariff. 
Labor was oppressed, for no Factories Acts 
existed. The savage laws of felony and death 
had only just been partly redressed. Trans- 
portation of convicts to the Colonies was in 
full course. Down to my time, about 50 to 
00 criminals were hanged each year. 

What a march of popular progress I have 
lived to witness: Reform in Parliament, in 
Education, in Free Trade, in Law, in Church. 
In these 87 years the change has been as 
great as in 700 years since Magna Cha.rta. 

Wlhen I was a schoolboy the only Republic 
was in America. Russia, it was thought, 
might overwhelm Europe. China and Japan 
were dosed to Europeans, India was ruled by 
a trading company, and was constantly in- 
vaded by the Northern races. The United 
States had a total population of little more 
than 12 millions, one tenth of whom were 
slaves. Our Colonies were small primitive 
settlements, having constant difficulties with 
the colored aborigines. 

It may be of interest to record in 
passing that Mr. Frederic Harrison 
rendered the Trade Unions valuable 
service at the time of the passing of the 
Trade Union Act of 1871. 

Here is a picture of rapid change. 
In face of such an experience, such a 
record, it is not reasonable to look for 
changes of similar magnitude and im- 
portance in the coming years, particu- 
larly in view of the tredendous ferment 
through which we have just passed, 
and during which some students, with 
poetic extravagance, say that the ex- 
perience of a hundred years has been 
packed into four. 

We can all appreciate the magnitude 
of the material changes. They are self 
evident to the senses. We cannot igno- 
re them if we would. They are thrust 
upon us from all sides — through our 
vision and our hearing: by means of 
conversation, illustrated press, and 
moving pictures. 


We hear the rumblings of social and 
industrial discontent, but to appre- 
ciate its true value, its justice and its 
menace, we must construct a picture 
for the mind by investigation, study 
and appreciation. This, although more 
interesting and even more vital than a 
comprehension of material change, we 
ignore, because it cause for some per- 
sonal effect, which to many is distaste- 
ful, and sometimes disturbing. We may 
continue to ignore it, but at much risk. 

What changes, other than material, 
have occurred during the war? In the 
first place, the appreciation by the pub- 
lic of the actual aims and purposes of 
the war has completely altered. I may 
even say that the ends and purposes 
themselves have changed as the war 
progressed. When it burst upon the 
world — an astonished world in great 
part — in 1914, it was the opinion of the 
average person that it was a conflict 
between two groups of nations allied 
together in order to preserve the 
balance of power. It soon became evi- 
dent, however, that the war was being 
waged between those who advocated 
Democratic principles on the one hand, 
and those adhering to Autocratic rule 
on the other hand. By reason, how- 
ever, of the long duration of the war, 
the magnitude ivhich it assumed, and 
the considerable interference which it 
effected in the lives of the citizens of 
all the belligerent nations, much thought 
has been given to, and even much cri- 
ticism has been made of the old Demo- 
cratic Social order itself. Of this new 
interest in thought, it has been written 
in the report of the British Committee 
of the Privy Council on Scientific and 
Industrial Research : 

“It is not often* in our history that the 
“nation lias found time to think. Now, by 
“a curious paradox, while the flower of her 
“youth and strength are fighting for her frec- 
“dom and her life, the others have a chance of 
1 1 thinking out the best use to which that life 
“and freedom can be put when they are safe 
“once more. Indeed at the present time, ac 
J ‘ tivity is as marked in the field of ideas as 
“it is in the field of war ’ \ 

We must not however make the mis- 
take of assuming that this activity in 
thought was confined to those who 
were not at the fighting front. It was 
indulged in by the soldiers in their bil- 


Page 36 


THE CAN AVIAN RAILROADER 


lets and elsewhere during those times 
of tedious and monotonous routine 
which intervened between the exciting 
periods of fighting, and it must be re- 
membered that these soldiers represent 
a mixture of all classes. What is the 
result of all this thought and criticism? 
It has become increasingly recognized 
that not only have we been seeking to 
destroy in our enemies those things in 
which we were opposed, but we have 
actually been helping one another to 
pull down the old social order which 
we have in common. 

What is being destroyed throughout 
the world in different countries in dif- 
ferent degrees, but in all countries to a 
considerable degree? Is it not the old 
relationship between the classes, the 
old ideas of the security and fixity of 
tenure privileges, occupations and cus- 
toms: the old system of “laissez- 
faire” and the old ideas of individual- 
ism. 

In order that I may not be accused 
of exaggerating the changes that are 
actually taking place, I would like to 
quote a statement of the Hon. George 
N. Barnes, Labor Member of the Brit- 
ish Cabinet, showing the considerable 
interest, one might almost call it inter- 
ference — which it is proposed that 
communities throughout the world 
shall exercise in individualistic enter- 
prise : 

He said: “What we want to see is some kind 
of industrial machinery that will set up and 
enforce a decent standard of life, not, of course, 
by any coercive measures, but by methods 
compelling manufacturers in all countries to 
toe the line. 

“We ask, first of all, for freedom of com- 
bination in all countries. This is absolutely 
necessary if international law is to be enforced. 
You may pass any amount of industrial legis- 
lation, but if there is no organization capable 
of seeing that it is put in to operation it will 
be useless. 

“Then we desire to see a minimum standard 
of hours and wages for all countries. I do not 
say it is to he identical for all countries be- 
cause conditions differ. What I mean is that 
every worker in every country shall be guar- 
anteed fair pay and fair conditions of work. 

“There are other questions, such as child 
workers, employment of women after child 
birth, proper provision of ventilation and fac- 
tory space, medical inspection, and abolition 


of sweating. In a word, we desire to adopt 
the principle laid down by Gompers, that labor 
shall no longer be treated as a commodity, but 
shall be the first charge on production before 
rent, interest on capital, or profits. 

“The peace conference will first be invited 
to tigree to the proposal of an international 
standard for labor, and then it is proposed to 
refer the matter to an industrial commission 
to consider and report on the measures to be 
taken to secure this end. 

< < This commission would sit at the same time 
as the peace congress, and report to it. Then, 
it will be the duty of the congress to adopt 
these recommendations and possibly hand them 
over to a league of nations to put into opera- 
tion as part of its duties. 99 

Of course, a statement like this is 
moderate compared with some prin- 
ciples that I shall have occasion to deal 
with in +he course of these chapters. 

The great question to-day confront- 
ing those who are thoughtful, is what 
is to take the place of these old ideas 
and systems? The stability of the new 
principles will depend upon the amount 
of study given to the problems, and 
also upon the extent of the interest in 
this study throughout the nations con- 
cerned, and all are concerned, for the 
demand for a change comes from every 
quarter of the globe. 

We have been told that the war has 
been fought for Democracy. Indivi- 
dually, we would not have supported it, 
had we not candidly and wholehear- 
tedly believed this, and few shots 
would have been fired by the Demo- 
cratic soldiers of the Allies and few 
munitions would have been made by 
the workpeople at home, had they not 
also thoroughly believed it. Now, many 
of these soldiers and workmen are ask- 
ing how far the principles of Demo- 
cracy are being applied to their own 
social and industrial life. The ques- 
tion is not new, but to-day, the interest 
is wider and the power of those who 
ask the question is stronger than it has 
been before. As a consequence, we 
hear of the spread — the rapid spread — 
of all kinds o£ ideas and principles, 
many of them visionary, many confus- 
ed.. How are we to deal with this 
spread of ideas, this propaganda as it 
is called? Suppress it violently? That 
is the way by which to propagate any 
idea, however unsound. It is proved 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Pago 37 


by all history. It is the view of a pro- 
minent figure of McGill University who 
writes : 

“To some indeed, it may appear that even to 
“hold parley with Red Radicals is as futile as 
“to debate the political qualifications of the 

lurk. This view, we can submit, is erroneous. 
“Autocracy having been knocked on the head, 
“it remains to adjust the balance between 
“liberalism and radicalism. Here is a problem 
“so momentous that no thinking man or woman 
“can be excused from the duty of analysing 
“the Bolshevist proposition or from endeavour- 
ing to understand the strength and weakness 
“of radical prpagaiula. Unless this matter is 
“taken up seriously and exhaustively it may 
“be hard to save the we'd-intentioned ignorant 
“from false prophets. Never before has the 
“social organism been so delicate. Never before 
“has injury to one social stratum been so like- 
“ly to bring misery to the other strata .’ ’ 

Shall we face fearlessly all new 
ideas, examine them, and the condi- 
tions producing them, candidly, with 
mental equipse and calm, and see 
whether we cannot evolve sound, just, 
and workable principles which will 
satisfy reasonable demands, and which 
can bo instituted by constitutional 
means? Surely that is the sensible 
way. But before we proceed to do this, 
we must properly understand the fund- 
amental principles that should govern 
any change which we may put forward. 
What principles should we bear in mind 
in order to work for a staple Demo- 
cracy based upon Justice. These may 
be stated to l>e : 

(1) The fullest and fairest possible 
use of land and natural resources to 
satisfy the requirements of all. 

(2) Adequate organization to effect 
an equitable distribution of raw mate- 
rial to industry in order to satisfy the 
demands for work and subsistence of 
the individual : efficient methods, and 
plant to obtain the greatest possible 
production. 

(3) Means of ensuring the best men- 
tal and physical development of all 
units. 

(4) The power of securing such a 
distribution of the products of the land 
and industry as will furnish a reason- 
able measure of subsistence, health, 
leisure and security. 

(5) A truly democratic share in the 
control of all the interests of life by the 


people engaged therein, whether poli- 
tical, industrial, professional, or other. 

I think that we might sum up the 
psychological results of the war as the 
intention upon the part of the indivi- 
duals of all nations to see that the prin- 
ciples of Democracy shall be applied 
fully to their social and industrial life 
as well as to their political life, and 
that this desire can only be met sound- 
ly by a close study of the conditions of 
industry and by the evolution of poli- 
cies based upon a proper regard for 
human rights. 

1 have dealt with the principles 
which have become evident or empha- 
sized by the war. Have there arisen 
any new methods or new manners of 
operating the human machine? War 
has always been a matter for co-opera- 
tion ,and wherever this has not been 
complete, success has been jeopardized. 
It was only after a unity in command 
was instituted that the Allies marched 
continuously to Victory. 

During the greater part of the last 
century, competition, termed by one 
writer the nineteenth substitute for 
honesty ', and the pressure of suppos- 
edly immutable economic laws have 
governed industry. Both these princi- 
ples were abrogated during the war, 
and strange to say, not failure, but suc- 
cess crowned their elimination. 

Three broad developments have be- 
come evident during the war. In the 
first place, it has become recognized 
that the workers, whether by hand or 
with brain, are a body of the greatest 
importance in the social structure, and 
that if they closely co-operate, they 
will wield enormous power. In many 
directions it is evident that they reco- 
gnize the importance of co-operation 
amongst themselves although there are 
many difficulties in the way. Employ- 
ers also are equally cognizant of its 
value. And the second principle that 
has become emphasized by the war is 
that the State owes a greater duty to 
the individual and to groups of indivi- 
duals than was thought to be the case 
before, and conversely that the indivi- 
dual owes a greater duty to the State. 
It is also clearly seen that there at- 
taches to each individual State, a res- 
ponsibility for the maintenance of in- 
ternational good-will and order, so 
that if, in the future, any nation should 


Page 38 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


adopt an attitude of splendid isolation, 
it will be regarded as committing a 
sin against international morals. Here 
is another evidence of the necessity for 
co-operation. 

Again, 1 would like to sum up the 
large principles to which the war has 
given prominence. There is a wide- 
spread intention that Government and 
Industry shall be based upon a mutual 
recognition of human rights coincident 
and consistent with a sound progres- 
siveness that will guarantee Democra- 
cy against all threats to its existence; 
and the methods of operation in future, 
politically, socially and industrially, 
will be rather in the direction of co- 
operation — the principle of peace — 
than of competition — the principle of 
war. 

A further development, fraught with 
some danger, is that the peoples of the 
world have been accustomed to see 
large things done quickly — a necessity 
in war, and they may demand the same 
rapidity af action in Peace. This, with 
the proper check — an intelligent and 
widespread interest — may work for 
good, but without such a check, the re- 
sult may easily be a fervent and chaotic 
development resulting in ruin and re- 
action. 

Such a possibility emphasizes the ne- 
cessity for a study of industrial his- 
tory, both by employers and workmen. 
Large Utopian ideals have been placed 
before the workers early in the last 
century, with a promise of their early 
attainment which has never been 
achieved. Witness the Grand National 
Consolidated Trades Union organized 
by Robert Owen in 1834, which was to 
have brought to its feet, Government, 
landlords and employees. He habitually 
spoke as if the next six months would 
see really established “The New Moral 
World”. The change was to come sud- 
denly upon society like a thief in the 
night. One of his desciples wrote : “One 
“year may disorganize the whole fa- 
“bric of the old world, and transfer, 
“by a sudden spring, the whole politic- 
al government of the country from 
“the master to the servant”. History 
repeats itself. Large aims with sugges- 
tions for their attainment by overhasty 
actions are being put forward to-day in 
various quarters. 


A student of history, with every de- 
sire to change conditions, is struck by 
the fact that most permanent benefits 
have come constitutionally. 

At the same time, there is a great 
danger today that the increased power 
that the worker possesses, and the 
training in arms that he has been given 
during the last four years, may result 
in demands too big for their early 
achievement, and in an effort to secure 
them by force. The condition will be 
aggravated should the employers not 
be prepared to grant a large measure 
of the reasonable demands. Of the pos- 
sibilities, our student, Mr. George Rus- 
sell, writes as follows: 

“I think the menace of the Peace before us 
“is greater than the menace of the imconcliuled 
“war. I have forebodings that the condition 
“of labour a few years after peace is declared, 
“will be worse than they have been for nigh a 
“century. I cannot reason it out, but my in- 
“ tuitions are to the effect that conditions will 
“soon be ripe for social revolution, and per- 
1 i sonallv, I would be more concerned about the 
“education of the leaders of the social revolu- 
tion than the education of the present cap- 
tains of industry . 99 

I have spent much time in sketching 
a broad picture of conditions and gen- 
eral principles. I have done so because 
T am a firm believer in the necessity 
of first understanding the fundamen- 
tals of any problems that may come be- 
fore us whether large or small before 
embarking upon action. 

This leads me to make a general sta- 
tement as to the ultimate aims of 
labour. The workers seek, according 
to certain spokesmen a fundamental 
change in ownership and control of 
the means of production, with the re- 
sultant elimination of the capitalist. 
Briefly, there are three ways by which 
they expect ultimately to do this. The 
first, the Collectivist method, is by 
nationalising all industries that are 
capable of being nationalized. The sec- 
ond, the Syndicalist method, is by the 
ownership and control of the means 
of production purely by the workers. 
The third way, that of the National 
Guildsmen, is that the Nation shall own 
the means of production through its 
Parliament, but that the Industries 
shall be operated through the National 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page ;J9 


Guilds. 1 will deal with these fully in 
subsequent chapters. 

The means by which these ends shall 
be secured are two, either by Constitu- 
tional or Parliamentary action, or by 
direct action through the general stri- 
ke. 

Precedent in law, and experience in 
individuals are supposed to be good 
guides for present and future conduct. 
Therefore before outlining the various 
industrial principles which are being 
advocated and accepted in varying 
degree throughout the world, I propose 
to sketch on one chapter a picture of 
the conditions which primarily were 
the reason for the development of 
these principles — at least for Great 
Britain and the British speaking peo- 
ples. In my next chapter, I propose to 
deal with the Industrial Revolution 
which covers the period from 1760 to 
1832. It is a picture full of pathos and 
human interest. It rouses one to anger 
with one’s precursors until one realizes 
that similar feelings may prevail in 
succeeding generations at our tolera- 
tion of injustice which are rife at pres- 
ent. T shall sketch briefly the indepen- 
dent or at least the semi-independent 
conditions under which the craftsman 
worked at a time when he owned the 
means of production, operating them in 
his own home, often it is true, with the 
assistance of his children, who, how- 
ever, were under his rule and care. 
Later they had to submit to the brutal 
discipline of the facto^. At this pe- 
riod too, the apprentices and journey- 
men were always limited, and most 
were able to rise to the ranks of the 
craftsman. He truly, had the marshal’s 
baton in his knapsack. The batons are 
fewer today. 

T shall then deal with the effects of the 
rise of capitalism or the concentration 
of the means of production into few 
hands, and the important and over- 
whelming effect of the introduction of 
machinery which called forth the follow- 
ing commendation from Macaulay: “Our 
“ fields are cultivated with a skill un- 
“ known elsewhere, with a skill which 

has extracted rich harvests from moors 
“ and morasses. Our houses are filled 
“ with conveniences which the kings of 
“ former times might have envied. Our 
“ bridges, our canals, our roads, our 


“ modes of communication fill every 
“ stranger with wonder. Nowhere are 
“ manufacturers carried to such per- 
fection. Nowhere does man exercise 
“ such a dominion over matter”. 

One writer has said that the last 
phrase might properly have been trans- 
posed into “Nowhere does matter ex- 
ercise such a dominion over man.” 

1 shall then describe the introduction 
of serf labor into industry by taking 
children from the workhouses at the age 
of 7 and apprenticing them until the age 
of 21. They lived in prentice houses 
next to the mill and worked for 12 to 
15 hours daily. Free child labor was 
used for equally long hours. Education 
was absent, mortality was high, and free- 
dom nil. 

I shall also deal with the inhuman 
discipline that the mill exercised upon 
adults as well as upon juveniles, the in- 
tolerable and unhealthy conditions of 
town and village life, the gross mis- 
carriage of justice, the war of the in- 
terests upon individuals and their socie- 
ties, the mental attitude of the well to 
do towards the poor, and the resulting 
attitude and instrumentalities develop- 
ed by the poor. 

The description cannot fail to interest 
those concerned with human develop- 
ment. It will be of value in the study 
of our present problems, for it furnished 
a clue for the reason of the present an- 
tagonism of the classes — one can- 
not readily forget any inhuman 
treatment uf one’s father or grand- 
father — and most important of 
all, it will emphasize the neces- 
sity of studying our own problems 
with open minds and candour free from 
class bias; for any repression similar to 
that carried on during the Industrial 
revolution will lead to serious consequen- 
ces today, when people are better educat- 
ed, have a larger measure of political 
freedom, and when a large proportion of 
all peoples have been taught during four 
years the effectiveness of violence. 

My following chapter will deal with 
the History of Trade Unionism or of the 
development of organization and weap- 
ons amongst those people who were so 
cruelly oppressed during the Industrial 
Revolution. It is interesting to note 
that the booklet dealing with Trade 
Unionism published by the American 


rage 40 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Federation of Labor is largely a His- 
tory of English Trade Unionism. 

In many respects, the picture present- 
ed is one that should afford us grounds 
of hope for an orderly and a successful 
solution of our present problems. Whilst 
much condemnatory criticism could 
properly be fastened on many employers, 
and to" the Parliamentary representa- 
tives who supported them during the 
rise of the Trade Unions, yet even when 
ameliorating legislation was defeated, 
many employers were found upon the 
side of progress. The workers them- 
selves also in the main showed much 
patience under exasperating oppression, 
and continued with dogged pertinacy to 
press for their claims. Sometimes, they 
adopted the direct method of the strike, 
and were often beaten: then they tried 
the method of parliamentary action and 
were more often successful. 

This history, beginning about 1700, 
is full of human and historical interest. 
Some reference will be made to the early 
craft Guilds which are not properly the 
forerunners of Trade Unions, as, in the 
main, they were controlled by Master 
Craftsmen who became in effect the of 
ficers of the Municipality charged with 
the protection of the public from adul- 
teration and fraud. The petition of the 
Carpenters ’ Co., in 1861 runs: “The 
“ fundamental ground of' incorporating 
“ Handicraft Trades and Manual occu- ' 
“ pations into distinct Companies was 
“ to the end that all persons using such 
“ trades should be brought into one 
“ uniform Government and corrected 
“ and regulated by expert and skilful 
“ Governors under certain rules and 
“ ordinances appointed to that pur- 
‘ ‘ pose. ? ’ Moreover apprentices were 
limited in number and protected by law. 
Th? Elizabeth ay Statute of Apprentices 
made provisions that would “yield unto 
“ the hired person, both in time of scarc- 
“ ity and in time of plenty a convenient 
“proportion of wages.” 

The Trade Union was concerned with 
the protection of the Standard of Life 
which was endangered by the disuse and 
the eventual repeal of the Apprentice- 
ship Law. The Unions suffered many 
defeats in the early stages of their exist- 
ence at the hands of the increasingly 
powerful owners of the means of pro- 
duction who rose in many instances from 
the ranks of the workmen themselves 


The Trade Unions were very success- 
ful in recruiting members at certain 
times, for instance, the General National 
Consolidated Trades Union recruited 
more than a half million members in a 
few weeks in 1834, but members were 
lost with equal rapidity as a result of 
defeats and disillusionment by failure 
to achieve their high aims. 

The Labor movement has suffered 
from lack of cohesion among the dif- 
ferent organizations, and by disagree- 
ment as to the means by which their 
ends should be secured, whether by pol- 
itical action by strikes. There is how- 
ever evidence that this defect may be 
remedied with a # considerable increase 
of power. Furthermore the Labor Party 
in England is widening its scope. It 
now includes all those who work with 
their hands or with their brains so long 
as they subscribe to the principles of 
the Party. 

A study of the development of Trade 
Unionism is essential to a proper appre- 
ciation of the power of organized Labor 
industrially and politically. 

After consideration of the organiza- 
tion of Trade Unions one naturally 
passes to a study of the various schools 
of thought or types of Industrial prin- 
ciples advocated by different students. 
1 shall therefore devote some time to an 
exposition of the principles of Socialism, 
Collectivism, Syndicalism, Guild Social- 
ism, and Bolshevism. I shall also deal 
briefly with some of the schools of 
thought that preceded the development 
of these principles, such as the Owenite 
propaganda, which developed into the 
Co-operative Movement, the principles 
of Marxianism, and the Anarchism. 

Tt is unfortunately the custom of this 
busy age often to condemn new develop- 
ments in thought and even in science 
without full knowledge and sufficient 
consideration. Our legacy from previous 
ages of control also leads many of us to 
evade a study of new thought because 
of the fear that we might find some 
element of reason which might upset our 
comfortable and cherished ideas. 

Many of these ideas have been called 
dangerous and attempts have been made 
to suppress them. Undoubtedly there is 
much that is unsound or at least pre- 
mature, but the best way in which to 
demonstrate this and to render them in- 
nocuous is to prove that such is the case 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 41 


hy argument and illustration, thus form- 
ing the strong counteracting and stabiliz- 
ing influence of a widely held public 
opinion. 

Some of these Social theories are 
elusive and difficult to follow, thus 
giving warrant to the criticism that it 
is impossible to formulate a definite 
policy in agreement with the principles 
enunciated. The argument is that the 
same thing may be said of Liberal or 
any other principles. On the other hand, 
some policies have definite ends and 
have formulated definite means by 
which to attain them, as, for example 
in the platform of the British Labour 
Party entitled “ Labor and the New 
Social Order, which will be dealt with 
in a later chapter. 

I he principles of Guild Socialism are 
also well defined, as are also the means, 
constitutional for the most part, by 
which the National Guildsmen expect 
to attain their ends. 

Some progressive policy will be ne- 
cessary in order to meet the demands 
of Labour, and to allay the present 
industrial unrest. That we are decidedly 
not free from this in Canada is proved 
by the statements of Mr. C. H. Cahan, 
late the Director of Public Safety, who 
says that the principles of Bolshevism 
are spreading rapidly in this country. 
A sound and a progressive policy can 
only be developed by a general and 
open-mipded study of all principles and 
ideas. 

The next logical step is to acquaint 
oneself with the actual results that 
have followed the adoption of prin- 
ciples that have been put into practical 
operation in our own and in other 
countries in the direction of satisfying 
the demands of labour for more securi- 
ty, more responsibility, and a greater 
measure of self-determination. 

T shall therefore deal briefly with 
the co-operative movement and the dif- 
ferent systems of co-partnership and 
profit-sharing, giving particulars of 
the results achieved in many firms. It 
will also be necessary to describe fully 
the proposals suggested by the Whitley 
Committee of the Ministry of Recon- 
struction of the British Government, 
to outline the advantages to be secured 
by the adoption of these proposals and 


to describe the extent of which they 
have already been adopted. 

It will also be of interest to compare 
tin* proposals of the Whitley Commit- 
tee with the State Socialist proposals 
of the British Labour Party, and the 
principles of the National Guildsmen. 

After having reviewed the history of 
the Industrial Revolution, or the con- 
ditions which surrounded labour as a 
result of the introduction of machinery, 
then the history of Trade Unionism 
itself — after having investigated the 
industrial principles advocated by va- 
rious students and reviewed the prac- 
tical steps already taken to meet the 
general demands of Labour, we nat- 
urally come to a consideration of some 
specific and concrete problems. 

We must first investigate the 
machinery which will enable Labour 
to get employment. In the interests of 
Labour from a human point of view, 
and in the interests of industry from 
the point of view of production, the 
machinery must be widespread, and as 
efficient as possible. 

Security for continuous employment, 
or for compensation when this is not 
provided, is also sought by Labour. 
This will require a study of Unemploy- 
ment Insurance. Many Trade Unions 
have provided this for a long time, but 
Government Unemployment Insurance 
which has been successfully in opera- 
tion in Great Britain since 1911 is now 
sought in many countries. 

The problem of hours of work must 
also be studied. Long hours, so dis- 
gracefully forced upon both adults and 
children during the Industrial Revo- 
lution, have been fqund by students 
to be uneconomical. The British Gov- 
ernment also found during the war by 
an investigation into the health of the 
Munition Workers that hours had to 
be reduced in order to increase effi- 
ciency and many an employer has ob- 
tained an increased output by a reduc- 
tion in hours. Lord Leverhulme, of 
Port Sunlight, is thinking of beginning 
a 6 hour day. lie found that the re- 
duction to 8 hours paid him. 

We must also deal with the very im- 
portant question of wages. The em- 
ployers of the early nineteenth were 
obsessed with the inviolability of the 
economic law of supply and demand, 


Page 42 


TEE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


particularly as concerned Labor. Hence 
the severity of the laws against com- 
binations, to raise wages. This resulted 
in low wages for adults and children 
so that whole families had to work to 
secure the necessities for subsistence 
resulting in an entire absence of home 
life and comforts. 

Industry in the past has been con- 
sidered to be the exclusive and private 
preserve of the owner, and even though 
the State at times has interfered to pro- 
tect the worker, it has not until the 
war. felt that it should interfere in the 
interests of efficiency. As a result of 
the dependance of the State upon in- 
dustry in so many directions, the view 
is now held by some that the owner 
of the means of production carries on 
his work as much in the nature of a 
national trust for the benefit of the 
workers and the public as for personal 
gain or gratification. Therefore it is 
likely that the State will continue to 
insist upon standards of efficiency. 
The view that industry must be effi- 
ciently conducted in order to provide 
a decent living for the workman is not 
a new one. The following is an extract 
from a handbill of 1818: 1 4 That what- 
“ ever trade or employment will not 
“ leave profit sufficient to reward the 
44 Laborer so as to enable* him to live 
“ in credit and respect, provided he 
44 be an able, active and sober man, the 
44 loss of such trade is a public bene- 
44 fit” 

Education is one of the most import- 
ant forces that upholds our civilisation, 
and gives promise of its continuance 
and its development. Due weight must 
be placed upon its liberal as well as 
upon its technical and scint if ic sides, 
for whilst industry demands technical 
knowledge and skill, a high civilisation 
demands a knowledge of the liberal 
arts. Not only must a certain standard 
of education be compulsory for all, but 
opportunities should be as wide as pos- 
sible for the fullest education. 

There will be given particulars of 
the Report of the Dominion Royal Com- 
mission on Industrial Training and 
Technical Education, and of the Fisher 
Education Bill recently passed in Great 
Britain, which puts the country in ad- 
vance of all others in matters of educa- 
tion. 


It is quite evident that I shall not be 
able to deal exhaustively or even fully 
with any one subject. I hope, how- 
ever, that my endeavors will lead to a 
further study of these matters. That 
is the object of the Canadian National 
Reconstruction Groups. The Standing 
Committee on Plans and Propaganda 
is forming a large number of small 
study groups throughout the Domi- 
nion, consisting of 10 or 15 persons. It 
is hoped that this study' will result in 
a widespread knowledge of actual con- 
ditions from which w T ill arise a capacity 
to render sane and w^ell considered 
judgments upon the grave and diffi- 
cult problems that are facing us. Ignor- 
ance and indifference may lead to 
chaos with its attendant troubles. 
Knowledge and a careful consideration 
of the problems will lead to a consti- 
tutional and an orderly solution of 
them. Wordsworth says : 

The food hope is mediated upon: robbed 

of this, 

Iler sole support, she languishes and 

dies. 

We perish also; for we live by hope, 
And by desire ; we see by the glad light, 
And breathe the sweet air of futurity; 
And so we live, or else we have no 

light. 


The object of these chapters is to de- 
velop an understanding of the problems 
that w ill lead to meditated action. 




THE CANADIAN KAILROADEK 


Page 43 


INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 


I T seems to be hardly necessary to 
repeat what appears so often in 
our newspapers that much indus- 
trial restlessness is prevalent. It has 
been smouldering during the war in 
spite of the payment of high wages. 
What is the cause of it? Some people 
think that all will be well if employ- 
ment be plentiful, and if wages, that 
is real. wages, eoninue to be high. It is 
true that such condition may mitigate 
or reduce the amount of unrest, but 
it will not remove it, for there is a 
deeper cause than that lying in wages 
and hours. Labor wants responsibility, 
it wants to escape from that excessive 
domination which has developed as a 
consequence of the Industrial Revolu- 
tion, the Revolution which by means 
of machinery increased man’s power 
over nature and added enormously 
to the comfort of the people in control 
of the nation and of the means of pro- 
duction at the expense of the workers 
who became the servants of forces that 
they could not see or measure but 
which, nevertheless, ground them down 
to industrial serfdom. That the con- 
ditions produced by this serfdom were 
even worse than those of slavery is 
shown by the reply of a West Indian 
Slave owner to Oastler and three Brad- 
ford spinners. “Well”, he observed, 
“I have always thought myself dis- 
graced by being the owner of slaves, 

“ but we never in the West Indies 
thought it possible for any human 
being to be so cruel as to require a 
child of nine years old to work 
twelve and a half hours a day, and 
“ that, you acknowledge is your regular 
“ practice.” 

This leads to the question “Has this 
condition of servility always existed? 
No student of history will claim that 
Utopian conditions of liberty have pre- 
vailed at any time, but there seems to 
be sufficient warrant for believing that 
the economic and social structure of 
society afforded much greater freedom 
of action and more opportunities for 
reaching a condition of independence, 
modest it may be true, than has been 
the case since the development of large 


capitalism, and since the introduction 
of machinery. 

Before the enclosure of the common 
lands in Great Britain, that is to say 
before the great landowner was enabled 
to set apart these broad tracts of arable 
or graying land for his own uses, the 
farm laborer had rights in these lands 
which put him in a certain position of 
independence. It is true that this con- 
dition may not have worked towards 
national economic efficiency, but it 
certainly resulted in independence as 
is illustrated in a complaint of Arbuth- 
not who wrote “The benefit which they 
“ ar ? supposed to reap from commons, 
“ in their present state, I know t:> be 
“ merely nominal; nay indeed what is 
“ worse, I know, that, in many instan- 
ces, it is an essential injury to them, 
“ by being made a plea for their idle 
“ ness; for, some few excepted, if you 
offer them work, they will tell you 
that they must go to look up their 
“ sheep, cut furzes, get their cow out 
“ °f the pound, or, perhaps, say that 
they must take their horse to be shod 
“ that he may carry them to a horse 
“ race or cricket-match.” 

Another man wrote “The possession 
of a cow or two, with a hog, and a few 
geese naturally exalts the peasant, in 
his own conception, above his brethren 
in the same rank of society’'’. The au- 
thors of the “Village Laborer” wrote 
“The most important fact about this 
system (of common lands) is that it 
provided opportunities for the humbl- 
est and poorest laborer to rise in the 
village: the farmer servant could 
save up his wages and begin his mar- 
ried life by hiring a cottage which car- 
ried rights of common, and gradually 
buy or hire strips of land. Every vil- 
lage, as Hasbach has put it, had its 
ladder, and nobody was doomed to 
stay on the low r est rung.” 

It is thought by many historians 
that this communal organization of the 
peasantry, this village community of 
shareholders who cultivated the land on 
the open field system is more ancient 
than the manorial order which was 
brought about by the needs of Govern- 


Page 44 


THE CAS ADI AS RAILROADER 


ment, and the development of indivi- 
dual ist4c husbandry side by side with 
the communal village. 

The causes of the enclosure of the 
Common Lands are a little difficult to 
determine. They arose largely as a 
consequence of the sudden accession of 
wealth to the capitalists who were de- 
veloped by the introduction of the fac- 
tory system, of their desire for social 
power expressed in the ownership of 
land, and the paternal control over its 
occupants, and of a zeal for economic 
progress,, the new and outstanding cha- 
racteristic of the Industrial Revolution. 
This economic progress was placed 
higher in the scale than individal inde- 
pendence. 

That the development of the enclo- 
sure grew with the growth of the In- 
dustrial Revolution, which is covered 
by the period of 1760 to 1832 may be 
seen from the following figures. Be- 
tween 1700 and 1760. before the Revo- 
lution, there were passed 208 acts affect- 
ing about 312,000 acres. Between 1761 
and 1801, the number of acts was 2,000 
affecting 3,181,000 acres, and between 
1802 and 1844, the number was 1833 
acts affecting 2,549,000 acres. 

This depriving of rights resulted in 
much disorder, but a description of 
this is beyond my scope. I would, 
however, like to read the petition of 
the small proprietors and persons en- 
titled to rights of common at Rands in 
Northamptonshire. They lost their 
rights by an enclosure act of 1797. and 
petitioned Parliament as follows: kk lliat 
the petitioners beg leave to represent to 
the House that, under pretence of im- 
proving lands in the said parish, the 
.cottages and other persons entitled to 
right of common on the lands intended 
to be inclosed, will be deprived of an 
inestimable privilege, which they now 
enjoy, of turning a certain number of 
theirs cows, calves and sheep on and 
over the said lands; a privilege that 
enables them not only to maintain 
themselves and their families in the 
depth of winter, when they cannot even 
for their money, obtain from the occu- 
piers of other lands the smallest por- 
tion of milk or whey for such necessary 
purpose, but, in addition to this, they 
can now supply the grazier with young 
or lean stock at a reasonable price to 
fatten and bring to market at a more 


moderate rate for general consump- 
tion which they conceive to be the most 
rational and effectual way of establish- 
ing public plenty and cheapness of pro- 
vision ; and they further conceive that 
a more ruinous effect of this Inclosure 
will be the almost total depopulation 
of their town now filled with bold and 
hardv husbandmen from among whom 
and the inhabitants of other open par- 
ishes, the nation has hitherto derived 
its greatest strength and glory in the 
supply of its fleets and armies and 
driving them, from necessity and want 
of employ, in vast crowds into manu- 
facturing towns where the very nature 
of their employment over the loom or 
the forge soon may waste their strength 
and consequently debilitate their pos- 
terity. The present cry of “Back to 
the land" has arisen partly because the 
conditions above predicted have become 
actually realized. 

As for the worker or craftman, what 
was his position before the development 
of capitalism on a large scale or before 
the introduction of the factory sys- 
tem ? 

Mediaeval industry was carried on 
by master craftsmen who employed 
only a few apprentices and journey- 
men. These apprentices and journey- 
men were of the same social status as 
their masters. They could look for- 
ward to becoming master craftsmen 
themselves or to marrying the daughter 
of their master. The number of appren- 
tices and journeymen employed by each 
master craftsman was limited by agree- 
ment or by law, and there was a direct 
Government interest in the conditions 
under which the employees worked. 
For example, Sidney Webb writes : 
“To the Parliament of these days (in 
1555) it seemed right and natural that 
the oppressed wage earners should turn 
to the legislature to protect them 
against the cutirig down of their earn- 
ings by the competing capitalists. In 
1563, indeed, Parliament expressly 
charged itself with securing to all wage- 
earners a “convenient” livehood'\ 

The craftsmen combined themselves 
into Guilds, the definite purposes of 
which are not altogether agreed upon 
by students. For instance, Dr. Bren- 
tano supposes that they were inaugur- 
ated in order to stop the deterioration 
of their conditions and to protect them- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 45 


selves against the abuse of power on 
the part of the lords of the town who 
tried to reduce the free to the depend- 
ence of the unfree. Dr. Cunningham 
thinks that the Craft Guilds were call- 
ed into being not out of antagonism 
to existing authorities but as new ins- 
titutions to which special parts of their 
own duties were delegated by the burgh 
officers or the local guild merchants. 
Prot. \\ . J. Ashley feels that the guilds 
were self governing bodies of crafts- 
men initiating their own trade regula- 
tions, the magistrates of the town coun- 
cil having a real or somewhat vague 
authority to sanction or veto these 
ordinances for the good of the citizen. 

The ('raft Guilds were looked upon 
as the representatives of the interests 
not of one class alone, but of the three 
distinct and somewhat antagonistic 
elements of modern society, the capital- 
ist entrepreneur, the manual worker, 
and the consumer at large. 

This brief description will show that 
the apprentice and the journeyman, 
the equivalents of the modern worker, 
were protected by law as to wages and 
conditions of work ; witness the appoint- 
ment of a Committee of the Privy 
Council in 172b to investigate the com- 
plaints of the weavers of Wilts 
and Somerset against the clothiers. 
Tn the articles of agreement drawn 
up for the settlement of the dispute, 
the Committee admonishes the weav- 
ers “for the future to lay their griev- 
ances in a regular way before His 
“ Majesty who will always be ready 
“ to grant them relief suitable to the 
“ justice of their case”. They were 
also protected by the mutuality of inter- 
ested represented in the Guild,, and 
by the fact that owing to the limited 
number of apprentices and journeymen 
allowed to each master, the number of 
masters was greater than would other- 
wise have been the case, and there was 
therefore a greater opportunity for 
the journeymen eventually to become 
masters themselves. 

One must not assume however from 
this statement that there were no pro- 
blems arising out of difficulties between 
masters and men before the Industrial 
Revolution. Speaking generally how- 
ever, the worker owned the machinery 
for production which he operated in 
his own home even though at times he 


was dependent for the supply of his 
raw material and for the marketing of 
his product upon the capitalist mer- 
chant. Although he sometimes worked 
for long hours, and often with the help 
of his children, he was his own master 
in his own house. He had a garden, 
in which he grew most of his produce, 
he often had a cow, and sometimes a 
horse. 

Felkin has drawn an alluring picture 
of the stocking makers of Nottingham, 
lie says that “each had a garden, a 
barrel of home brewed ale, a week day 
suit of clothes and one for Sundays, 
and plenty of leisure, seldom working 
for more than three days a week. 
Moreover music was cultivated by 
them. ” 

This world of semi-independence 
was much affected by the rapid deve- 
lopment in industry and transportation. 
To describe the improvements that fol- 
lowed each other in rapid succession, I 
quote from the “Town Laborer v , which 
is an excellent history of the Industrial 
Revolution. The authors state “The 
blind Metcalfe had introduced the art 
of making roads; the illiterate Brind- 
ley. the art of building aqueducts. 
Telford, a shepherd's son, had thrown 
a bridge across the Menai Straits ; 
Bell, a millwright's apprentice, had 
launched the first steamer on the Cly- 
de: Stephenson, the son of a firman, 
had driven his first railway engine ; 
while a long line of inventors and or- 
ganizers: Watt, Arkwright, Wedgood, 
Crompton, Hargreaves and a hundred 
others — by their patience and their 
courage and their imagination, had be- 
tween them made England the work- 
shop of the world.” 

The leaders of the nation and the 
owners of the means of production 
were carried away by the success at- 
tending the introduction of these inven- 
tions. They felt that no consideration, 
humane or other, should interfere with 
the fullest development of the commer- 
ce and industry of the country. They 
were also obsessed with a superficial 
acceptance of new enunciations of eco- 
nomic laws. These considerations dom- 
inated politicians and produced effects 
which justly earned for political eco- 
nomy the title of the dismal science. 

The politicians and capitalists took 
from the principles of Adam Smith— 


Pago 46 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


unconsciously it may be, — those that 
suited their own interests. His writ- 
ings displayed trade as an elaborate 
and varied life of mutual service, a 
system in which men and nature were 
not all engaged in snatching advantages 
from each other but were unconsciously 
helping and developing each other. He 
argued that Governments, by imposing 
restrictions and regulations, had done 
harm rather than good to the peoples 
they thought they were benefitting be- 
cause they interfered with “the ob- 
vious and simple system of natural 
liberty". The classes in power applied 
this principle to the relations between 
capital and labor, but rarely and only 
after a long interval, did they apply 
it to anything else. 

Previously, innumerable laws exist- 
ed, designed to prevent the exploita- 
tion of the public by the monopolists 
or the limit, in the defence of order 
and peace, the access to particular 
trades and careers, or to protect priv- 
ate accumulations and interests, or to 
maintain a standard of life. Under 
this new principle, all these were dis- 
carded. Pitt stated that “trade, indus- 
try and barter would always find their 
own level, and be impeded by regula- 
tions which violated their natural oper- 
ation, and deranged their proper effect. 
The principle was held to apply par- 
ticularly to wages. 

There was therefore an interplay of 
forces which threatened and ultimately 
took away the independence of the 
worker. The power of the capitalist, 
asissted possibly by the development of 
transportation, to control the raw ma- 
terials of industry, and the facilities 
for marketing the products; the deve- 
lopment of machinery too expensive 
for ownership by individual workmen, 
and yet able to force out of existence 
the old home methods of manufacture ; 
the concentration of labor into factories 
to utilize this machinery; and the abro- 
gation of the old protective and res- 
trictive laws in response to the accept- 
ance of the new principle of unrestrict- 
ed commerce; these were the new and 
potent forces that faced the worker, 
and they arose principally by the con- 
centration of the ownership of the 
means of production in few hands. 

The immediate effect of these forces 
was to drive the population from the 


countryside into towns and villages. 
This movement increased the rental 
of land in some cases 1,500, and in 
others as much as 8,000 p.c. The new 
order of existence also had the effect 
of rapidly increasing the population, 
as a consequence of the value of child 
labor, which had to be utilized by the 
family to supplement its meagre budget. 

The effect of these new forces may 
be summed up in a quotation from “The 
Town Laborer”, which runs: “Thus 
the new world had two aspects. Those 
who lived under the shelter of prop- 
erty welcomed the new wealth that 
multiplied their enjoyments, embellish- 
ed their homes, enriched their imagina- 
tions, increased their power, and gave 
an astonishing range and scope to the 
comforts and the arts of life... For 
the working classes,, the most import- 
ant fact about that wealth was that it 
was wealth in dangerous disorder, for 
unless these new forces could be 
brought under the control of the com- 
mon will, the power that was flooding 
the world with its lavish gifts was 
destined to become a fresh menace to 
the freedom and the happiness of men”. 

The worker was now controlled by 
a new force, one that disregarded his 
human feelings and his instincts. It 
imposed a rigid inexorable discipline 
which itself seemed to arise from an 
immutable principle of competition as 
inhuman as the machines that thunder- 
ed in factory and shed. His resentment 
was not against machinery as such, but 
against the effects of the introduction, 
as an ally of capital unbridled by con- 
trol. Before the change, his hours of 
work may have been many, but they 
were according to his own choice; his 
wife and children often aided him, but 
they worked beside him, and there was 
no alien power over their lives; he had 
his garden for profit and recreation. 
He was not wholly dominated by an 
outside discipline. 

Machinery and the uncontrolled play 
of the new found economic principle of 
unrestricted competition both under 
the direction of the growing power of 
capital, imposed an iron discipline. Of 
machinery, it was written in 1832 
“Whilst the engine runs the people 
must work — men, women and children 
are yoked together with iron and 
steam. The animal machine, breakable 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 47 


in the best case, subject to a thousand 
sources of suffering — is chained fast to 
the iron machine, which knows no suf- 
fering and no weariness”. 

Let me give some instances of this 
discipline. I will give you a list of a 
few of the fines to which the spinners 
at Tyldesley, near Manchester, were 
subjected in 1823. They worked in a 


temperature of 80 — 84 degrees. 

Any spinner found with his win- 
dow open 1/ — 

Any spinner found washing him- 
self l/_ 

Any spinner heard whistling . . 1/ — 

Any spinner being sick and can- 
not find another spinner to 
give satisfaction must pay for 
steam per day 6/ — 


There are many other fines which I 
have not given. They appeared in a 
pamphlet published at Manchester 
which adds. 4 ‘At Tyldesley, they work 
fourteen hours per day, including the 
nominal hour for dinner; the door 
4 4 is locked in working hours, except 
“ half an hour at tea time; the work- 
“ people are not allowed to send for 
44 water to drink, in the hot factory ; 
44 and even the rain water is locked up, 
by the master's orders otherwise 
44 they would be happv to drink even 
4 - 4 that”. 

* 

Amongst coal mine owners there was 
a brutal disregard for the safety of the 
miners. Accidents were so common 
that the whole population in some dis- 
tricts felt as if they were engaged in 
a campaign. Down to 1815, it was not 
the custom to hold inquests on the vic- 
tims of accidents in the mines of North- 
umberland and Durham. Children were 
employed on most .responsible work 
in the mines. The Children's Employ- 
ment Commission of 1842 concluded 
that it was astonishing that accidents 
were not more frequent, seeing that all 
expedients for safety might be counter- 
acted by allowing a single trap door to 
remain open, and yet in all the coal 
mines, in all the districts of the United 
Kingdom, the care of these trap doors 
is entrusted to children of from 5 to 
7 or 8 years of age, who for the most 
part sit, excepting at the moments 
when persons pass through these doors, 
for 12 hours consecutively in solitude, 
silence and darkness. 


Sir J. C. Hippisley, a Somerset ma- 
gistrate, wrote to the Home Office in 
1817 as follows: 44 At the great colliery 
44 of Clan Down... from 100 to 150 
men are employed in the veins at a 
perpendicular depth of above 1200 
feet, and it is in the power of an idle 
or mischievous Engine Boy to drown 
the whole of them without destroying 
‘ 4 or injuring the Fire Engine”. 

Women were often employed in the 
mines. A witness told the Commission 
of 1842 that a married woman miner 
worked day and night — the day in the 
mine, the night at home in washing, 
cooking and cleaning her house. At the 
Felling Pit, at the beginning of the 
19th century, boys hours were from 
18 to 20. The miners as a body lived 
underground and seldom, saw daylight 
except on Sundays. 

In the factories, the women had no 
time, no means, no opportunities of 
learning the duties of domestic life. 
A Manchester correspondent wrote to 
the Home Office in 1800, as follows : 
44 The people employed in the different 
manufactures are early introduced into 
them, many at five and six years old, 
both girls and boys, so that when the 
former become women, they have not 
had an yopportunity of acquiring any 
habits of domestic economy or the 
management of a family. . . The greater 
part of the working and lower class 
of people have not wives that can dress 
a joint of meat if they were to have 
it given them. The consequence is that 
such articles become their food that are 
the most easily acquired, consequently 
their general food now consists of bread 
and cheese”. 

This new unrestricted discipline 
wrought its havoc upon the children as 
well as upon adults. Child serf labor 
was first obtained from the workhouses 
from which children were sent to the 
factories at 7 years of age to be appren- 
ticed until they were 21. In many 
parishes, the overseers refused relief 
unless the children went to work. Free 
child labor was also forced into the mill 
because of the necessity of adding their 
earnings to the family income as a 
family could not live upon an income 
of 5%/ or 6/ per week. Cobbett des- 
cribed how women took their children 
to the mill through the snow: the child 


Page 48 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADED 


was crying, but the mother too was 
crying. 

Much beating was done in the fac- 
tories. Fathers beat their children to 
save them from a worse beating by 
some one else; overseers and spinners 
beat children often, because the}' had 
to get a certain amount of work from 
them. This condition was aggravated 
by the system of setting up a class of 
small contractors for child labor who 
naturally endeavored to get the utmost 
work for the smallest pay. 

Even at this time, there was a con- 
siderable body of masters whom reco- 
gnized the faults of the system; who 
understood that low wages were bad 
for industry and bad for the nation, 
but they could not individually fight 
against the system itself, which was 
dependent upon the selfishness, indif- 
ference or blind greed of the worst 
employers. It is stated that ”In the 
4i old days,, the workmen were dealing 
44 with a comparatively small circle of 
44 masters ; they were now pitted 
44 against a system, and not only they, 
44 but every good employer, and every 
44 good citizen as well. At Leicester, 
44 on one occasion, the men were sup- 
44 ported by the Lord Lieutenant, 
44 Mayor, Aldermen and the churches 
4 ‘ and chapels. The Industrial Revolu- 
44 tion had delivered society from its 
44 primitive dependence on the forces 
44 of nature, but in return it had taken 
44 society prisoner”. 

The most outstanding result of the 
new system was the depreciation in 
human life; workmen were too old at 
40; they had become a mere part of 
the new machinery without its power 
of continuous endurance, and without 
a share in the increased wealth or the 
increased power over life that machin- 
ery had brought. The revolution that 
had raised the standard of comfort 
for the rich had depressed the standard 
of life for the poor; it had given the 
capitalist a new importance while it 
had degraded the workpeople to be the 
mere muscles of industry. Men, women 
and children were in the grasp of a 
great machine that threatened to des- 
troy all sense of the dignity of human 
life. 

I have spoken of the rapid growth 
of the town, but what was the new 
town that arose? The towns of the 


Middle Ages were such as the inhabit- 
ant would take pride in and could feel 
some affection for. They sheltered 
them from danger, and they were the 
expression in material form of the sen- 
timents and artistic tastes of the people. 
They were the centres of corporate 
spirit and pride. They exercised self 
government without check which con- 
duced to a spirit of independence. The 
new industrial towns were the product 
of different conditions. I have already 
spoken of their rapid growth, and you 
who have visited the Old Country know 
the character of their structure. They 
have been described as “long rows 
44 of barracks, not the refuge of civiliz- 
44 ation, but the barracks of industry. 

44 This character was stamped on their 
44 form and life and government. The 
44 mediaeval town had reflected the 
44 minds of centuries, and the subtle 
44 associations of a living society with 
44 a history; these towns reflected the 
44 violent enterprise of an hour, the 
44 single passion that had thrown street 
44 upon street in a frantic monotony of 
44 disorder”. 

Nassau Senior describes those parts 
of Manchester inhabited by the Irish 
immigrants as follows: “These towns, 
4 ‘ for in extent and number of inhabit- 
44 ants, they are towns, have been 
44 erected with the utmost disregard of 
44 everything, except the immediate 
44 advantage of the speculating build- 
44 or. A carpenter and builder unite 
44 to buy a series of building sites, and 
44 cover them with so called houses. In 
44 one place, we found a whole street 
44 following the course of a ditch be- 
44 cause in this way deeper cellars could 
44 be secured without the cost of digg- 
44 ing, cellars not for storing wares or 
44 rubbish but for dwellings of human 
44 beings. Not one house of this street 
44 escaped the cholera”. 

The mediaeval Plnglish Town once 
produced artists, players, minstrels, 
great pageants, and Guild festivals. It 
now consisted of huge barracks main- 
taining people enjoying only the barest 
necessities of existence. One writer in 
the “Pioneer” of Trade Union Maga- 
zine of October 19, 1833, said: “Have 
44 we not seen the commons of our 
4 4 fathers enclosed by insolent cupid- 
44 ity — our sports converted into x*ri- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 40 


“ mes — our holidays into fast days ? 
“The green grass and the healthful 

hayfields are shut from our path. 
“ The whistling of birds is not for us 
“ — our melody is the deafening noise 
“ of the engine. The merry fiddle and 

the humble dance will send us to the 
“ treadmill. We eat the worst food. 

drink the worst drink — our raiment, 
“ our houses, our everything, hear signs 
“ of poverty, and we are gravely told 
“ that this must be our lot”. 

Moreover, the working class had no 
hand in the government of the town 
or the city. This was usually vested 
in the Lord of the Manor. 

The houses were built by the owner 
of the mine or of the mill, so that the 
capitalist had an additional hold over 
the worker who was liable to eviction 
at any time. There were, of course, 
occasional good landlords who provided 
church, school and reading room, but 
the feeling of control was present even 
here. On the other hand others were 
grasping and avaricious and used the 
control they possessed to prolong the 
working hours. 

This system also brought in its train 
the accursed system of truck by which 
the worker was forced to purchase his 
household supplies from the agents of 
the mill or mine owner. Even Lander- 
dale, the most dogged opponent of In- 
dustrial Reform, supported the exten- 
sion of Truck Acts, declaring that he 
knew of cases where miners paid 12/ 
for 6/ — worth of flour. 

The curious mentality of the gov- 
erning class led them into the belief 
that leisure and amusement were un- 
profitable and even dangerous for the 
working class. A Report to the Gov- 
ernment in 1818 included the following 
sentence: “All experience proves that 
“ in lower orders the deterioration of 
“ morals increases with the quantity of 
“ unemployed time of which they have 
“ the command”. The magistrates, as 
a rule refused licenses to public houses 
where concerts were held. This denial 
of leisure and innocent amusement, 
together with the drab conditions in 
which they lived in factory and home 
increased the indulgence in vicious and 
brutal amusements such as bull-bait- 
ing, cockfighting, and a kind of brutal 
boxing called fighting “up and down” 
which frequently ended in death. 


It is not natural that Englishmen 
should have regarded these towns, not 
with the pride of Merrie England, but 
with a fear of their hidden and sub- 
merged potentialities. This reflected 
itself in the disregard of education. 
Place wrote in 1832 “Ministers and men 
“ in power, with nearly the whole body 
“ of those who are rich, dread the eon- 
“ sequences of teaching the people more 
“ than they dread the effect of their 
“ ignorance”. Dean Alford wrote in 
1839 “Prussia is before us: Switzcr- 
“ land is before us; France is before 
“ us. There is no record of any people 
“ on earth so highly civilized, so 
“ abounding in arts and comforts, and 
“ so grosslv generallv ignorant as the 
“ English”. 

The attitude of the upper classes 
towards the lower is illustrated in a 
remark of a large employer who said : 
“ I don’t want one of your intellec- 
“ tuals; 1 want a man that will work, 
“ and take his glass of ale. I’ll think 
“ for him”. 

Pitt once said that “it was the boast 
“ of the law of England that it afford- 
“ ed equal security and protection to 
“ high and the low, the rich and the 
“ poor”. It was true that the caprice 
of the Crown had been abolished, and 
the supremacy of the law established, 
but the chief business of the law was 
the defence of the rights of property 
and the normal Englishman was 
thought to be the Englishman with 
property. 

During the Middle Ages, tin* worker 
had secured some protection from the 
Crown and from the Guilds, but these 
laws and customs gradually fell into 
disuse. The increase in the population 
and the drift into the towns brought 
new problems and much of the machi- 
nery of the law courts became obsolete 
and defective. Instead of reforming 
the system, the governing class content- 
ed itself with adding new penalties and 
making the penal laws more savage. 
The French Revolution also brought 
a new fear, and the rights of property 
seemed to be in danger. The law was 
therefore treated as an instrument not 
of justice but of repression. 

Justice was most emphatically not 
granted equally to rich and poor. The 
workman was rarely tried by his peers. 
He was generally sent to prison by a 


Page 50 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


magistrate who was frequently his em- 
ployer or at any rate allied in interests 
with his employer. The country gentle- 
man who previously refused associa- 
tion with the manufacturer, hobnobbed 
with him when he became a millionaire, 
lie felt that he had the same interest 
with him in repressing the lower clas- 
ses. It was said that “if the employers 
44 regarded the discontent of the work- 
4 4 er as a menace to profits, the squires 
44 and persons regarded it as a menace 
“ to property and order”. 

The laws against Combinations which 
were a dead letter as far as the manu- 
facturers were concerned, were rigid- 
ly enforced against the workmen. In 
Wigan, in 1818, all the magistrates 
were manufacturers and were there- 
fore disqualified for trying breaches 
of the Act when these consisted of com- 
binations among employers. Conse- 
quently they broke it at their pleasure. 
In a town in Wales, the only magis- 
trates were two iron masters both em- 
ploying 4,000 or 5,000 workpeople, and 
they were constantly trying offences 
against themselves. 

The colliers and ironworkers were 
frequently engaged in a series on 
strikes to compel the masters to do 
what the law ordered them to do. When 
trouble became serious, the magistrates 
met, not to enforce the Truck Acts that 
had been broken by the masters, but to 
enforce the Vagrancy Acts against the 
men, who were actually imprisoned 
for trying to make the masters obey 
Ihe law. 

This breaking of the laws against 
Truck by the masters was the cause 
of much trouble. A correspondent 
wrote to the Home Office in 1822 as 
follows: ‘‘The men have now availed 
4 ‘ themselves as a plausible and (I may 
“ safely add) a real cause of complaint. 
“ By this practice (of raising their 
“ prices in the Tommy shops), the Coal 
‘ 4 and Iron Masters compel their work- 
44 men to accept of two thirds of their 
“ wages in goods, such as sugar, soap, 
“ candles, meat, bacon, flour, etc., in- 
“ stead of money, at an unreasonable 
“ large profit. This appears to be the 
“ real cause of complaint more than 
“ the reduction of wages, and it is 
“ really very hard upon them, and as 
“ the masters contrive to evade the 


“ Act of Parliament, the men seem to 
“ have no relief but ceasing to work. 

In 1823, a statement was made that 
the men were compelled to receive 
their wages in goods instead of money 
at prices, 20, 30 and 40 p.c. Higher than 
in the markets. 

I will give an instance or two of in- 
justice and extreme penalties. In 1818, 
at the Salisbury Assizes a judge sen- 
tenced a laborer to eighteen months 
imprisonment for stealing a sack of 
oats. The man, on receiving sentence, 
asked the judge how he could recover 
the wages that were due him. The 
judge responded by converting his sen- 
tence into one of transportation for 
seven years. Another case of extreme 
penalty is that of a child of ten who 
was sentenced to death, in 1800, for 
secreting notes at the Chelmsford Post 
Office. The judge Baron Hot ham 
wrote to Lord Auckland: “All the cir- 
“ cumstances attening the transaction 
“ manifested art and contrivance be- 
“ yond his years, and I therefore re- 
“ fused the application of his Counsel 
“ to respite the judgment on the ground 
“ of his tender years, being satisfied 
“ that he knew perfectly what he was 
“ doing. But still, he is an absolute 
“ child, now only between ten and ele- 
“ ven, and wearing a bib, or what your 
“ old nurse (my friend) will know bet- 
“ ter by the name of a pinafore. The 
“ scene was dreadful on passing the 
“ sentence, and to pacify the feelings 
“of a most crowded court, who all ex- 
“ pressed their horror of such a child 
“ being hanged, by their looks and their 
“ manners, after stating the necessity 
“ of the prosecution, and the infinite 
“ danger of its going abroad into the 
“ world that a child might commit 
“ such a crime with impunity, when it 
“ was clear that he knew what he was 
“ doing. I hinted something slightly 
“ of its still being in the power of the 
“ Crown to interpose in every case that 
“ was open to clemency”. The sen- 
tence was commuted and the boy was sent 
out to Grenada for fourteen years ap- 
parently by a private arrangement 
with a member of the Grand Jury who 
had estates there. 

Another case is that of a woman 
whose husband had been transported 
for felony. She committed the same 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 51 


felony in the hope of joining him in 
exile, but the judge thought it neces- 
sary to make an example and hanged 
her instead. 

Peel's bill for extending the pay- 
ment of expenses of witnesses and pro- 
secutors out of the county rates increas- 
ed the incentives to secure convictions 
often upon false evidence. Nadin, the 
notorious deputy constable of Man- 
chester, made 120,000 out of his posi- 
tion. One of his own police constables 
stated under oath that “he had been 
in the habit of inveigling persons 
“ into the uttering of forged notes for 
the purpose of convicting them, and 
that he had succeeded in hanging one 
man in this way”. 

The authors of the “Town Laborer” 
state that “it is not too much to say, 
“ in the light of the Home Office pa- 
pers, that none of the personal rights 
attaching to the Englishman pos- 
sessed any reality for the working 
“ classes. The magistrates and their 
“ clerks recognized no limit to their 
“ power over the freedom and the, 
movements of the working men. The 
\ agrancy Laws seemed to supersede 
the entire charter of an Englishman's 
liberties. They were used to put into 
prison any man or woman of the 
working class who seemed to the ma- 
gistrates an inconvenient or disturb- 
ing character". 

The force that was employed to give 
effect to the decisions of the magis- 
trates was one that was developed by 
Pitt principally for the purpose of 
dominating the working classes al- 
though ostensibly it had other objects 
as well. At this time two Revolutions 
had come simultaneously. The French 
Revolution had transformed the minds 
of the ruling classes and the Industrial 
Revolution had convulsed the world of 
the working classes. This second de- 
velopment gave the ruling classes cau- 
ses for grave apprehension, and their 
conception of government was that of 
force “policing the poor” as it was 
called at that time. The army was in- 
creased and in place of being billetted 
in ale houses, barracks had been built 
to contain 17,000 cavalry, and 138,000 
infantry. At the beginning of the 
French War, there was barrack accom- 
modation for only 21,000 troops. Pitt 


put the motive quite clearly when he 
said: “The circumstances of the coun- 
try, coupled with the general state 
“ of affairs, rendered it advisable to 
provide barracks in other parts of the 
kingdom. A spirit had appeared in 
“some of the manufacturing towns 
which made it necessary that troops 
“ should be kept near them”. The sol- 
diers were moved about in accordance 
with the fluctuations in wages and em- 
ployment. The militia and the volun- 
teers proved untrustworthy, so that a 
strong force of yeomanry was created. 
It was their hot headed ness and zeal 
which caused the massacre of Peterloo, 
when 11 were killed and 400 wounded. 

The history of the early years of the 
Industrial Revolution is a history of 
vast and rapid expansion during which 
the employees did not obtain any part 
of the new wealth. The Industries 
were not even supporting their work-, 
people, many of whom had to get par- 
ish relief, and to rely on the earnings 
of their children. 

The upper classes with their belief 
in the “obvious and simple system of 
natural liberty” argued that the exist- 
ing order was a dispensation of Pro- 
vidence. The social history of the period 
is largely the revolt of the working 
classes against this superstition. They 
struggled to maintain the standard of 
life. They would ask for the enforce- 
ment of the old regulations; or for a 
legal minimum wage; or for the right 
to combine, and were denied. All this 
culminated in a widespread desire for 
the franchise. 

Speculation in Industry and Com- 
merce particularly for export trade to 
South America resembled in some fea- 
tures the South Sea Bubble. This was 
followed by Bankruptcies and indus- 
trial distress, so that the wages of the 
Bolton weavers fell to 5/ — per week. 

The Napoleonic wars, the inflated 
currency, and the Corn Laws had the 
effect of reducing real wages very con- 
siderably. This resulted in food jiots, 
and in demonstrations that ended in 
a cavalry charge, and half a dozen men 
or woment sent to the gallows. 

The effect of the concentration of 
workers into towns, the greater vul- 
nerability of the masters with large 
investments in plant and machinery, 
would appear to have given greater 


Page 52 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


opportunities for the Trade Unions, 
but these opportunities were rendered 
of no effect because of the repressive 
measures taken by the ruling classes. 
Laws against combinations had existed 
prior to the Industrial Revolution — 
there were 40 on the Statute Hook in 
1800, but they forbade not an infringe- 
ment by the workers of the freedom 
of the employers, but an infringement 
of the authority of the State which it- 
self had been accustomed to rule indus- 
try. Hence though a combination to 
reduce hours or to increase wages was 
illegal, it was possible to combine 
against masters who refused to obey 
the law fixing the hours and the wages. 

In the light of the French Revolution, 
combination seemed a formidable poli- 
tical danger. It was also felt to be a 
grave economic danger in the eyes of 
the employers who had discovered 
that they were the best judges of all 
questions relating to the conditions of 
industry. Peace, order, and progress 
all turned upon discipline. The work- 
ers must not think or act for them- 
selves, and must take what wages their 
masters, who were the best judges of 
the circumstances of the trade, chose to 
give them. In other words, the State 
was to abdicate in favor of the employ- 
ers, and this is virtually what happened 
on the passing of the Combination Laws 
in 1799 and 1800. Before this, there 
had been much State regulation of 
prices, wages, conditions of apprentice- 
ship, etc. During the period now 
treated of, the workers frequently 
called upon the State to act with its 
old authority, but the ruling classes 
rejected their plea, and put the masters 
into the place of the State. 

These combination laws were of ex- 
traordinary severity, and really pro- 
claimed a doctrine of serf labor and low 
wages. Every working man was com- 
pelled either to accept the wages that 
his employer, with the law behind 
him, chose to give, or else to become 
a Vagrant. The Combination Laws 
lasted for a quarter of a century, and 
during that time the workpeople were 
at the mercy of their masters. In 1823, 
a spinner named Ryding, was tried un- 
der these laws. Cobbett wrote a pub- 
lic letter to Wilberforce who had referr- 
ed to “free British Laborers" in a 


speech on the West Indian slaves, in 
which he said: 

“Well, Wilberforce; the combiners are to 
go to gaol or to the House of Correction, to 
the former for not more than three months, to 
the latter for not more than two months for 
the first going off. Two Justices of the Peace , 
who are appointed or displaced at the pleasure 
of the Ministers, two of these men are to hear, 
determine and sentence without any Trial by 
the Peers of the party. It being very diffi- 
cult to get proof of this combining for the 
raising of wages, there is a clause in the Act 
compelling the persons accused to give evid- 
ence against themselves or against their asso- 
ciates. If they refuse, those two Justices have 
the power to commit -them to prison, there to 
remain, without bail or ma inprize, until they 
submit to be examined or to give evidence 
before such Justices. 

Now, you will observe, Wilberforce, that 
this punishment is inflicted in order to pre- 
vent workmen from uniting together and by 
such union, to obtain an addition to their 
wages, or, as in the case of Ryding and Hor- 
rocks, to prevent their wages from being re- 
duced. Every man’s labor is his own prop- 
erty. It is something which he has to sell or 
otherwise dispose of. The cotton spinners had 
their labor to sell; or at least they thought so. 
They were pretty free to sell it before this 
Combination Law of 1800. They had their 
labor to sell. The purchasers were powerful 
and rich, and wanted them to sell it at what 
the spinners deemed too low a price. In order 
to be a match for the rich purchasers, the sell- 
ers of the labor agree to assist one another, 
and thus to live as well as they can; till they 
can obtain what they deem a proper price. 
Now, what was there wrong in this! What was 
there either unjust or illegal? If men be at- 
tacked either in the market or in their chops; 
if butchers, bakers, farmers, millers be attack- 
ed with a view of forcing them to sell their 
commodities at a price lower than they de- 
mand, the assailants are deemed rioters and 
are hanged. In 1812, a poor woman who seized, 
or rather, assisted to seize a man ’s potatoes in 
the market, at Manchester, and, in compelling 
him to sell them at a lower price than that 
which he asked for them; this poor woman, 
who had very likely a starving family at home, 
was hanged by the neck' till she was dead. 

Now then, if it was a crime worthy of death 
to attempt to force potatoes from a farmer , 
is it a crime in the cotton spinner to attempt 
to prevent others from getting his labor from 
him at a price lower than he asks for it? It is 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Pago 5o 


impossible; statutes uopn statutes may bo 
passed, but it is impossible to make a man 
believe that he has fair play, if farmer’s prop- 
erty is to be protected in this manner, and if 
it be a crime, to be punished by imprisonment, 
without Trial by Jury, to endeavor to protect 
the laborer’s property. 

This Combination Act does, however, say that 
the masters shall not combine against the work- 
men. Oh, well then, how fair this Act is. And 
what then did Ryding mean, when he talked 
about the partiality of the law? What did 
he mean by saying that there was no law for 
the poor man; that there was no justice; that 
the masters could do what they pleased with- 
out being punished ? Why, did he ever read this 
law? Dow he know the contents of the pood 
old King , chapter 106? Does this law say 
that all contracts between masters and other 
persons for reducing the wages of men; does 
it not say, in short, that all such combinations 
of masters against workmen “shall be, and 
the same are hereby declared to be illegal, 
null and void, to all intents and purposes what- 
soever”? Does not the law say this; and does 
it not empower the two Justices to send the 
masters to the common gaol and the House of 
Correction ? No, the devil a bit does it do such 
a thing. No such thing does it do. However 
flagrant the combination; however oppressive; 
however cruel; though it may bring starvation 
upon thousands of persons; though it may tend 
(as in numerous cases it has tended) to pro- 
duce breaches of the peace, insurrections and 
all their consequences; though such may be 
the nature and tendency of these combinations 
of the masters, the utmost punishment that the 
two Justices can inflict, is a fine of twenty 
pounds. But now mark the difference. Mark 
it, Wilberforce; note it down as a proof of the 
happiness of your “free British Laborers”: 
mark, that the masters cannot be called upon 
bv the Justices to give evidence against them- 
selves and their associates. 

It is also to be noted that whilst 
thousands of work people were sent to 
prison under these laws, there is no 
record of a single conviction of an em- 
ployer against whom they applied 
equally. 

I have referred more than once to 
the employment of children in mill and 
mine. I would like to give some fur- 
ther particulars. The idea of the em- 
ployment of children did not originate 
with the Industrial Revolution, but its 
operation is seen at its worst during 
this period, for prior to this time, chil- 
dren worked principally with their 


parents or in the homes of their pa- 
rents. Child labor meant cheap labor 
for the employers from both children 
and adults. Pitt, in his famous Poor 
Law Pill, proposed that children should 
be set to work when they were five, 
and on another occasion said: “Expe- 
4 4 rience had already shown how much 
44 could be done by the industry of 

children, and the advantages of early 
44 employing them in such branches of 
44 manufacture as they are capable to 
44 execute'’. 

The clasess of children employed 
were two in number. The first to be 
used were pauper children obtained in 
cartloads from the workhouses of the 
big towns. They were apprenticed at 
the age of 7 and upwards until they 
were 21. The free labor children or 
those living at home were soon forced 
into the mill or mine in order to assist 
in swelling the meagre family funds. 
Workhouse children were forced into 
the mill as apprentices, for in London 
relief was seldom bestowed 44 without 
44 the parish claiming the exclusive 
44 right of disposing at their pleasure 
44 of all the children of the person re- 
44 ceiving relief”, and the place of dis- 
posal was the ever ready mill. One 
Lancashire mill owner agreed with a 
London parish to take one idiot with 
every 20 sound children supplied. 

These children passed their lives 
between the mill and the prentice house 
adjoining it. A typical example of con- 
ditions is given in a description of a 
mill at Backbarrow. They worked from 
f) a. m. to 8 p.m., with half an hour for 
breakfast at 7 a.m., and another half 
an hour at 12 for dinner. They were 
allowed to eat something in the after- 
noon while working. On Sundays, many 
and sometimes all were employed from 
6 a.m. till noon cleaning machinery. 
These cotton mill apprentices became 
subject to putrid fever. 

When the mills changed from water 
power to steam power, factories were 
built in towns, and the children of the 
neighborhood were employed. Opera- 
tives at first refused to let their children 
enter the mill, but economic pressure — 
the weavers wage sank to 6/6 per 
week — soon enforced this. The usual 
age for these free children was 6 or 7, 
but Robert Owen stated that many 
were employed under that age, at four 


Page 54 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


and five, and in one ease 3 years. They 
entered the mill at 5 or 6 a. in. and left at 
7 or 8 p.m. It is calculated that a child 
walked 20 miles in one day in follow- 
ing the spinning machine. Much beat- 
ing was prevalent and necessary in order 
to force the exhausted children to con- 
tinue working. 

An Act dealing with apprentices was 
passed in 1802— the Cotton Factories 
Regulation Act in 1819 limiting the age 
to 9 years and the hours to 13 y 2 from 
the ages of 9 to 16. Another Act was 
passed in 1831. This act ends the Fac- 
tory legislation of the period covered 
by the Industrial Revolution. Children 
were left entirely unprotected, except 
in the Cotton Industry, and here their 
masters might work children of nine 
for 12 hours a day exclusive of meal 
times. Before a select Committee ap- 
pointed to examine into Factory Chil- 
dren's Labor during the agitation over 
the Reform Bill, there passed a long 
procession of workers, men and women, 
girls and boys, of whom it has been 
written, as 1 said last week ‘‘Stunted, 
diseased, deformed, degraded, each 
with the tale of his wronged life, “they 
“ pass across the stage, a living pic- 
“ ture of man's cruelty to man, a pit i- 
“ less indictment of those rulers who 
“ in their days of unabated power, had 
“ abandoned the weak to the rapacity 
“ of the strong". 

Children were also employed in the 
mine as trappers to open and close the 
doors that guide the draught of air 
through the mine; as fillers, to fill the 
skips and carriages with coal; and as 
pushers, to push the trucks to the foot 
of the shaft. Trapping was done by 
children from 5 to 8 years of age. A 
girl of 8 years of age described her 
day: “I'm a trapper in the Camber 
“ Bit. 1 have to trap without a light 
“ and I'm scared. I go at four and 
“ sometimes half past three in the morn- 
“ ning, and come out at five and half 
“ past. I never go to sleep. Some- 
“ times, l sing when I've a light but not 
“ in the dark. I dare not sing then”. 
A sub-commissioner described a boy 
whom he saw as “abject, idiotic, like 
“ a thing, a creeping thing peculiar to 
“the place". A report of the Chil- 
dren’s Employment Commission dealing 
with the children employed to push the 
corves — often girls were used — said : 
“ Chained, belted, harnessed like dogs 


“ in a go cart, saturated with wet, and 
“ more than half naked — crawling upon 
“ their hands and feet, and dragging 
“ their heavy loads behind them — they 
“ present an appearance indescribably 
“ disgusting and unnatural”. 

Many of these mines were owned by 
the notobility of England. 

I have no space in which to deal with 
the pitiful story of the chimney sweeps. 
I can only say that they worked for no 
powerful interest, and the only reason 
why Parliament refused to reform the 
inhuman system in vogue was because 
it was thought to be impossible by the 
use of a machine to sweep the elaborate 
chimneys in grand houses whose owners 
did not want their handsome apart- 
ment disfigured with a register door 
which might have been necessary to 
permit this. Children were therefore 
forced to continue to climb them and 
often to die in chimneys some of which 
were only 7" square. 

Charles Kingsley, a man much con- 
cerned about the conditions of the 
workers of his time, and a Christian 
socialist, has accurately described the 
conditions of the chimney sweeps in his 
delightful work “Water Babies ”, a 
book interesting to children both big 
and little. 

It is only right to mention that the 
debased conditions to which the opera- 
tives were reduced by the introduction 
of machinery were not experienced by 
the older craftsman for some time, such 
craftsmen as the harness makers, print- 
ers, curriers, hat makers, and so on. 
The Combination Laws were not ap- 
plied to them until about 1818, when 
reductions in wages were made by their 
employers as a result of a decline in 
trade. The journeymen and appren- 
tices attempted to resist these reduc- 
tions, and the Combination Laws were 
put into force against them also. This 
aroused their active opposition and lead 
eventually to a repeal. 

It will be seen from this brief descrip- 
tion of the Industrial Revolution, that 
the introduction of machinery and the 
application of the newly absorbed prin- 
ciple of unrestricted play of free com- 
petition, principally to wages, with the 
assistance of the Combination Laws, 
took away from the Englishman much 
of his old liberty. The long and stre- 
nuous fight to regain this is told in the 
History of Trade Unionism.* 


THE CA XA VIA X BA1LR0A T)ER 


I’a^e 55 


History of Trade Unionism 


T HE Industrial Revolution describ- 
ed in the last chapter, weighed 
most heavily upon those who 
were driven into the factory where 
steam and labor-saving machinery had 
been introduced. The workmen in 
these trades had not had sufficient time 
in which to develop effective instru- 
ments to enable them to meet the new 
power of machinery, capital, and the 
legal checks with which the Govern- 
ment assisted these forces. They were 
compelled to accept low wages, which 
were often insufficient to maintain a 
minimum standard of existence, so that 
supplementary assistance had to be 
forthcoming from the ratevs. 

Many of the handicraftsmen, how- 
ever, for a time, were able to maintain 
their semi-independent state, and to 
render of little effect some of the laws 
that weighed so heavily upon the oper- 
atives in the factory. For instance, 
George White, the energetic clerk to 
Humes Committee asserted in 1823 
that the Combination Act of 1800 had 
been in general a dead letter upon those 
artisans upon whom it was intended 
to have an effect — namely, the shoe- 
makers, printers, papermakers, ship- 
builders, tailors, etc., who have had 
their regular societies and houses of 
call, as though no such Act was in exist- 
ence ; and in fact it would be almost 
impossible for many of those trades to 
be carried on without such societies, 
who are in general sink and travelling 
relief societies; and the roads and par- 
ishes would be much pestered with 
these travelling trades, who travel from 
want of employment, were it not for 
their societies who relieve what they 
call tramps”. 

Furthermore, association among the 
handicraftsmen was closer than among 
the newly arisen operatives. Of this, 
Francis Place writes as follows: “In 
these societies, there are some few indi- 
viduals who possess the confidence of 
their fellows, and when any matter 
relating to the trade has been talked 
over, either at a club or in a separate 
room, or in a workshop or a yard, and 
the matter has become notorious, these 
men are expected to direct what shall 


be done, and they do direct — simply 
by a hint. On this, the men act; and 
one and all support those who may be 
thrown out of work or otherwise in- 
convenienced. If matters were to be 
discussed as gentlemen seem to suppose 
they must be, no resolution would ever 
be come to. The influence of the men 
alluded to would soon. cease if the law 
were repealed. It is the law and the 
law alone which causes the confidence 
of the men to be given to their leaders. 
Those who direct are not known to the 
body, and, not one man in twenty, per- 
haps, knows the person of anyone who 
directs. It i sa rule among them to ask 
no questions and another rule among 
them who know most to give no answer if 
questioned, or an answer to mislead. ” 

The handicraftsmen were the auto- 
crats of labor. They were in an inter- 
mediate class between the shopkeeper 
and the mass of unorganized laborers 
or operatives in the new machine indus- 
tries. The operatives and the miners 
were farther removed from the handi- 
craftsmen than the docker or the agri- 
cultural laborer is removed from the 
cotton spinner and the miner to-day. 

For example, the London ' hatters, 
coopers, curriers, compositors and ship- 
wrights were earning the comparative- 
ly large sum of 30/ — to 50/ — per week, 
while the Lancashire weaver, or the 
Leicester hosier, in full competition 
with steam power, and its accompani- 
ment or unregulated female and child 
labor, could earn, even when fully em- 
ployed, barely 10/ — per week. 

The depression of 1816 caused a fall 
in wages, which was resisted by the 
craftsmen with the result that they 
were prosecuted. The law against 
combinations was enforced against 
them and they became the leaders in tin* 
movement for its repeal. 

The trade clubs, friendly societies, 
or combinations of handicraftsmen 
were of great importance and assist- 
ance in the development of Trade 
Unions in their early stages, but in 
seeking to find the beginnings of 
Unionism, we are told by investigators 
that this must not be looked for in the 
mediaeval guild. This was essentially 


THE CAE AVIAN RAILROADER 


Page 56 


under the control of the master crafts- 
man and was supposed to be represen- 
tative of the interests, not of any one 
class alone, but of the three distinct 
and somewhat antagonistic, elements m 
modern society, the capitalist contractor 
and the manual worker and the con- 
sumer at large. The worker was then 
represented by the apprentice and the 
journeyman, who at that time, "<* s 
always' a master craftsman in embryo, 
and the interest of the consumer was 
looked after by the magistrates or town 
council who had a certain authority 
over the ordinances of the guild. 

Trade Unionism began when condi- 
tions arose which denied to the worker 
the possibility of acquiring ownership 
of tools and material by an early accu- 
mulation of savings. This condition 
has been aptly described by Mr. J. M. 
Ludlow in MacMillan’s Magazine of 
February 1861 as follows: “From the 
moment that to establsh a given busi- 
ness, more capital is required than a 
journeyman can easily accumulate 
within' a few years, guild mastership— 
the mastership of the masterpiece— be- 
came little more than a name. Skill 
alone is valueless, and is soon compelled 
to hire itself out to capital. Now begins 
the opposition of interest between em- 
ployers and employed, now the latter 
begin to group themselves together ; 
now rises the trade society . 

This Industrial Revolution has been 
further described by l)r. Ingram, who 
wrote that “the whole modern orga- 
nization of labor in its advanced forms 
rests on a fundamental fact which has 
spontaneously and increasingly deve- 
loped itself— namely, the definite sepa- 
ration between the functions of the 
capitalist and the workman, or, in other 
words, between the direction of indus- 
trial operations and their execution in 
detail’’. 

The beginnings of Trade l monism 
are not found prior to 1700, when we 
discover isolated complaints of combi- 
nations lately entered into by skilled 
workers in certain trades. These com- 
plaints increased in number as the cen- 
tury progressed, and were met by 
counter accusations from the work- 
people. These Trade Unions sprang, 
not from any particular institution, but 
from every opportunity for the meeting 
together of the wage earners of the 


same trade. Adam Smith remarked 
that “people of the same trade seldom 
meet together but the conversation ends 
in a conspiracy against the public, or 
in some contrivance to raise prices . 

There is actual evidence of the rise 
of the Consolidated Society of Book- 
binders. an important union, out of the 
gathering of journeymen “to take a so- 
cial pint of porter together". There is 
also the interesting development of the 
tramping society, which made .syste- 
matic arrangements for the relief of 
their fellow workers tramping the eoun- 
trv in seacli of work. This often deve- 
loped into a National Trade Union. 

A combination of the journeymen 
tailors of London and Westminster 
existed in 1720 with a membership of 
more than 7.000. The organization 
centred around 15 or 20 public houses 
which were used as houses of call, where 
considerable sums of money were col- 
lected to defend any prosecution of the 
workers. There was also a widespread 
combination of woolen workers ^ in 
Devonshire and Somerset in 1717 
against the wealthy clothiers who dur- 
ing the sixteenth century had mightily 
increased in tame and riches, their 
houses “frequently like King's Courts’’. 
The Mayor and Corporation of Brad- 
nineli complain “that for some years 
past the wool combers and weavers in 
those parts have been confederating 
how to incorporate themselves into a 
club, and have, to the number of some 
thousands in the county, in a very no- 
tions and tumultuous manner, exacted 
tribute from many . 

The Yorkshire weaver, on the other 
hand was a small master craftsman. 
Therefore it was only in 1794, upon the 
establishment of factories, that we find 
attempts to inaugurate a union. In 1780, 
when the stocking makers generally 
worked upon rented frames, instead of 
owning their own frames, there arose 
a Union of Framework Knitters. 

When the Cutlers Company was es- 
tablished in 1624, the typical craftsman 
of that trade was the owner of his own 
wheel and other instruments. In 1791, 
Parliament relaxed the laws against 
apprentices, and we then find the crafts- 
men using rented wheels and power. 
In 1790. the Sheffield employers took 
action against the scissors grinders 
and other workmen “who have enter- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 5 7 


ed into unlawful combinations to 
“ raise the price of labor”. 

Upon the introduction of the factory 
system, which emphasized the divorce 
between capital and labor, Trade Unions 
grew rapidly. The movement was also 
hastened by the evasion on the part of 
the employers of the laws regulatin' 
wages, apprenticeship, and other mat- 
ters, and by the final rescinding of these 
laws. Its growth was surrounded with 
difficulties by the passing of the Com- 
bination Acts. 

During the early years of the Indus- 
trial Revolution, Parliament did not 
act upon any general theory or prin- 
ciple, for in 1773, under the pressure of 
rioting, it enacted laws fixing the rates 
of wages for the London silk weavers. 

In 1776, Adam Smith published 
“The Wealth of Nations'', and towards 
the end of the century, the governing 
classes eagerly seized upon the principle 
of freedom of contract and natural 
liberty as a justification for their new 
industrial policy which provided for 
them so great profits. 

In 1808, a Committee reported against 
the proposal of the hand loom weavers 
to fix a minimum rate of wages on the 
ground that it was wholly inadmissible 
in principle, “incapable of being re- 
“ duced to practice by any means 
which can possibly be devised, and 
if practicable, would be productive 
“ of most fatal consequences, and that 
“ the proposition relative to limiting 
the number of apprentices is also 
entirely inadmissible, and would, if 
adopted by the House, be attended 
“ with the greatest injustice to the ma- 
“ nufacturer”. 

Many petitions came to the Parlia- 
ment to fix wages and limit the number 
of apprentices. Sir Robert Peel (the 
elder) whose factories swarmed with 
boys, opposed a bill dealing with ap- 
prentices in the name of Industrial 
freedom, and carried the House with 
him. 

The operatives turned to the exist- 
ing laws. Unrepealed Statutes still 
permitted Justices to fix wages and 
limit the number of apprentices in cer- 
tain trades. Edinburgh compositors 
were successful in having piece work 
prices fixed. The cotton weavers of 
Glasgow, after four or five years of 
Parliamentary agitation for additional 


legislation resorted to a law empower- 
ing the Justices to fix the rate of wages. 
At the cost of £3,000, the operatives 
were able to have a table of piece work 
rates drawn up and declared reasonable 
by the magistrates, but they made no 
order enforcing them. 40,000 opera- 
tives went on strike. After three weeks, 
the employers were preparing to meet 
the workers, when the Strike Commit- 
tee of the workers was arrested for the 
crime of combination, and the five lead- 
ers were sentenced to terms of impri- 
sonment varying from four to eighteen 
months. 

The clause in the Elizabethan Sta- 
tute of Apprentices empowering Jus- 
tices to fix wages, was repealed in 
1813, being described as “pernicious". 

Mr. Sidney Webb says: “In 1814, 
Mr. Serjeant Onslow, who had not 
served on the Committee of the pre- 
vious session, introduced a bill to re- 
peal the whole apprenticeship law. The 
Masters and Journeymen of Westmins- 
ter were heard by counsel against this 
measure, but the House had made up 
its mind in favor of the manufactur- 
ers, and by the Act which it passed 
swept away the apprenticeship clauses 
of the Statute, and with them, practi- 
cally the last remnant of that legisla- 
tive protection of the Standard of Life 
which survived from the Middle Ages. 
The triumphant manufacturers pre- 
sented Sergeant Onslow with several 
pieces of plate for his championship of 
commercial liberty”. 

So widely had been accepted the doc- 
trine of the “obvious and simple, sys- 
tem of natural liberty ”, at least so far 
as the workers were concerned, that 
the operatives were regarded as inno- 
vators. A committee on the state of 
the woollen manufacture reported in 
1806 that “the right of every man to 
employ the capital he inherits, or has 
acquired, according to his own discre- 
tion, without molestation or obstruc- 
tion, so long as he does not infringe on 
the rights or property of others, is one 
of those privileges which the free and 
happy constitution of this country has 
long accustomed every Briton to consider 
as his birthright”. 

During the first twenty years of the 
nineteenth century, the Trade Union- 
ists were persecuted by the law as re- 
bels and revolutionists. This persecu- 


Page 58 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


t ion drove the members into violence 
and sedition, but finally led to the re- 
peal of the Combination Laws, and to 
the birth of modern Trade Union Laws. 

The legends of the older Trade 
TJuions include stories of the night 
meetings of the patriots in the corner 
of the field, the buried box of records, 
the secret oath, and the long terms of 
imprisonment of the leading officials. 

While these legends may be true of 
some trades, the combinations of the 
journeymen of many of the older crafts 
were only spasmodically interfered 
with, and some were even recognized 
by law. The statutes forbidding Com- 
binations that were in force prior to 
thp general Combination Act of 1799, 
did not seek to prohibit association to 
secure the enforcement of the law, but 
only in cases where it was sought to do 
something which the law itself could do, 
such as the fixing of wages, and limit- 
ing of apprentices. At the end of the 
century, however, the judges were rul- 
ing that any conspiracy to do an act 
which they considered unlawful in a 
combination, even if not criminal in an 
individual, was against the Common 
Law. In 1799, the Combination Act 
expressly penalized all combinations 
whatsoever. This Bill was passed with 
so much rapidity — it received Royal 
. Assent 24 days after its introduction 
into the House of Commons — that only 
one body of workers, the Journeymen 
Calico Printers of London, were able 
to protest. They represented that al- 
though the Bill professed merely to 
prevent unlawful combinations” it 
created “new crimes of so indefinite 
a nature that no one juorneyman or 
workman will be safe in holding any 
conversation with another on the sub- 
ject of his trade or employment”. 

Towards the end of the eighteenth 
century, at any rate, free bargaining 
between the capitalist and his work- 
men became the sole method of fixing 
wages. Then it was that the gross 
injustice of prohibiting combinations 
of journeymen became apparent. “A 
single master v , said Lord Jeffrey, “was 
at liberty at any time to turn off the 
whole of his workmen at once — 100 to 
1,000 in number — if they would not 
accept the wages he chose to offer. But 
it was made an offence for the whole 
of the workmen to leave that master 


at once if he refused to give the wages 
they chose to require”. 

The law also forbad combinations of 
employers, but kk the tacit but constant 
combination of employers to depress 
wages coidd not be reached by law. 
Also the politicians regarded combi- 
nations among employers as entirely 
different to combinations among work- 
men. The first was at most an indus- 
trial misdemeanour punishable by a 
fine, and the employer was not forced 
to give evidence against himself. The 
second was a political crime punishable 
by imprisonment and the worker was 
compelled to give evidence against him- 
self. 

During the whole period of repres- 
sion, whilst thousands of journeymen 
suffered imprisonment for the crime 
of combination, there is no case on 
record in which an employer was pun- 
ished for the same offence. 

The law was enforced in a very hap- 
hazard fashion. The English Police 
system was deficient, and there was no 
public prosecutor; therefore prosecu- 
tions were seldom undertaken unless 
some employer was willing to set the 
law in motion himself. In many cases, 
employers accepted or connived at 
their men's combinations, for example, 
the master printers in London recogniz- 
ed the “chapel”, which was the orga- 
nization of the journeymen printers. 
In 1804. a joint committee of masters 
and journeymen arranged an elaborate 
scale of prices. The London coopers 
had a recognized organization in 1813, 
and a list of prices was arranged be- 
tween its representatives and the mas- 
ters. The London brush makers, in 
1805, had a list of prices agreed upon 
between the masters and the journey- 
men ”. 

The journeymen Calico Printers of 
Manchester were evidently autocratic, 
for their masters appealed to them in 
1815 as follows: We have by turns con- 
ceded what we “ought all manfully 
to have resisted, and you, elated with 
success, have been led on from one ex- 
travagant demand to another, till the 
burden has become too intolerable to 
be borne. You fix the number of our 
apprentices, and oftentimes, even the 
number of our journeymen. You dis- 
miss certain proportions of our hands, 
and will not allow others to come in 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Pago 51) 


their stead. . . You restrict the cylinder 
machine and even dictate the kind of 
pattern it is to print. . . Lastly you set 
all subordination and good order at 
defiance, and instead of showing defer- 
ence and respect to your employers, 
treat them with personal insult and 
contempt”. 

At the same time, the law was always 
ready at the service of the masters. In 
18111, there were numerous prosecu- 
tions of cabinet-makers, hatters, iron- 
founders and other journeymen, nomin- 
ally for leaving their work unfinished, 
but really for the crime of combina- 
tion. Francis Place wrote in 1810 that 
the prosecutions of the journeymen 
printers employed in the ‘ 4 Times ’ 7 
newspaper were carried to an almost 
incredible extent... No judge took 
more pains that did this judge — (Sir 
John Sylvester, commonly known as 
Bloody Black Jack) — to make it ap- 
pear that their offence was one of great 
enormity, to beat down and alarm the 
really respectable men who had fallen 
into his clutches, and on whom lie in- 
flicted scandalously severe sentences”. 
Calico printers coach makers and scis- 
sors grinders were prosecuted and im- 
prisoned between 1816 and 1819. 

The law weighed most heavily how- 
ever, upon the new textile industries. 
It was said of the Act of 1800 that it 
was “a tremendous millstone round 
the neck of the local artisan, which has 
depressed and debased him to the 
earth; every act which he has attempt- 
ed, every measure that he has devised 
to keep up or raise his wages, he has 
been told was illegal’ \ 

Severe punishments were inflicted 
upon representatives of the operatives. 
A president and two secretaries of their 
union were sentenced to one and two 
years respectively. 

1 have already spoken of the skilled 
handicraftsman as the aristocrats of 
labor. It was their clubs that formed 
the backbone of the various central 
committees which dealt with the main 
topics of Trade Unionism. 

In spite of the difference in status 
between the craftsmen and the oper- 
atives, there was a development of con- 
siderable working class solidarity, for 
example the books of the London Gold- 
beaters record gifts between 1810 and 
1812 of £200 to fourteen trades. 


In 1816, due to economic conditions 
following the war, there was an almost 
universal reduction of wages through- 
out the country. Masters deliberately 
combined to pay Jower rates. This 
resulted in protest from the workers, 
combination among them, and repres- 
sion. The infamous “Six Acts” of 
1819 suppressed practically all public 
meetings, enabled the magistrates to 
search for arms, subjected all working 
class publications to the crushing stamp 
duty, and made more stringent the law 
relating to seditious libel. Repressed 
in every direction, the more energetic 
leaders turned from specific reform to 
seek a thorough revolution of the whole 
system of Parliamentary representa- 
tion. 

However, Francis Place turned his 
attention first to the repeal of the Com- 
bination Laws, and then to the Reform 
Movement. He was a successful mas- 
ter tailor, who had been a journeyman. 
He left the conduct of his business to 
his son, and devoted himself to helping 
the workers.. 

Through sagacity and extraordinary 
persistence, he, with the assistance of 
J. R. McCulloch, and Joseph Hume, 
secured the repeal of the obvious Com- 
bination Law. With remarkable cle- 
verness, he and Hume packed a Com- 
mittee, camouflaged the issue, secured 
unanimous assent to a series of resolu- 
tions favoring complete freedom of 
combination, and liberty emigrate, and 
arranged the introduction of a bill, 
which passed without debate or devi- 
sion and “almost without the notice 
of the members within, or the news- 
papers without”. 

An outburst of strikes followed the 
new found liberty of the workers. The 
employers were aroused, and as a con- 
sequence, a new Act was passed in 
1825. Though it was not so compre- 
hensive as the original act, it effected 
a real emancpiation, and recognized the 
right of collective bargaining. 

There now followed a rapid develop- 
ment in Trade Unions. “Such is the 
rage for Union Societies”, reported the 
Sheffield Iris on July 12th, 1825, “that 
in Sunderland, the sea apprentices have 
actually had regular meetings every 
day last week on the moors, and have 
resolved not to go on board their ships 


Page 60 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


unless the owners will allow them tea 
and sugar”. 

The expectations of the workers were 
rudely disappointed for the year IWo 
closed with a financial panic and wide- 
spread commercial disaster. Thousands 
of workmen were without employment, 
and wages were reduced everywhere. 

The removal of the Combination 
Laws led not only to a rapid rise in 
Trade Unions, but to amalgamation 
into national societies, and to attempts 
at forming a complete solidarity ot all 
wage workers in a single universal 
organisation. A Cotton Spinners fe- 
deration was formed in 1830. embrac- 
ing all Cotton Spinners Unions, but no 
further record of its existence can be 
traced after 1831. It had apparently 
dwindled into a Federation of Lan- 
cashire Societies. 

A General Federation of Trade 
Unions was attempted in 1830 by John 
Doherty, Secretary of the Manchester 
Cut ton Spinners, under the name of the 
National Association for the Protection 
of Labor. The express object of the 
Society was to resist reductions but 
not to strike, for advances. It was a 
combination of separate societies, each 
of which paid an entrance fee of one 
pound, together with one shilling for 
each of its members. At one time, it 
claimed a membership of 100.000. It 
did not support any strikes, it suffered 
from lack of funds, and expired in 
1832. 


formation of a General Union of the 
Productive Classes. The Grand Natio- 
nal Consolidated Trades Union seems to 
have been started in 1834 by Robert 
Owen. Innumerable lodges were form- 
ed each controlling its own funds. 
They were urged to provide sick, fane* 
ral and superannuation benefits for 
their members, and proposals were 
adopted to lease land on which to em- 
ploy “turnouts” and to set up co-opera- 
tive workshops. Within a few weeks, 
the membership appears to have reach- 
ed half a million, including tens of 
thousands of farm laborers and women, 
men. 

A perfect mania for Trade Uuious 
developed. In December 1833, we are 
told that scarcely a branch of trade 
exists in the West of fscotland that is 
not now in a state of Union. A thous- 
and men in various trades were eniolletl 
in Hull in one week. Unions were 
formed for shop assistants, journeymen 
chimney sweeps, ploughmen, shearmen, 
bonnet makers and so on. All were 
included in the Grand National Con- 
solidated Trades Union. 

The policy of this Union was to in- 
augurate a general strike of all wage 
earners, but it became involved in sec- 
tional disputes. 

It was also drawn into a conflict 
with the law by the conviction of six 
Dorchester laborers in March, 1834, for 
the mere act of administering an oath. 

. . /win A/1 t A 


/kc a I *.i nn i * i 




An important development was the 
Guilders’ Union, or general Trades 
Union which embodied separate orga- 
nisations of joiners, masons, bricklay- 
ers, plasterers, plumbers, painters and 
builders’ laborers. It spread rapidly 
in 1832. It was dictatorial to the em- 
ployers who met in 1833 to refuse the 
men’s demand and to smash the Union. 
The employers insisted that all men 
should sign a document repudiating 
the Union. In the contest that followed 
the employers won. 

Other employers also entered into 
the Manufacturers' Bond, by which 
they bound themselves under penalty 
to refuse employment to all members 
of Unions. 

It is thought that other attempts 
were made in 1833 to form a general 
Union of all Trades. The Owenite 
newspapers are full of references to a 


years transportation. 

The whole machinery of the organisa- 
tion was turned to the preparation of 
petitions and the holding of meetings 
of protest. A quarter of a million 
signatures were obtained, and 30,000 
persons took part in the first of the 
demonstrations which have become a 
regular part of the machinery of Lon- 
don politics. 

The Government refused to recognize 
that the punishment was excessive, ami 
the laborers went into exile. 

Further serious and unsuccessful 
strikes arose which depleted its resour- 
ces. In July 1834, it was evident that 
the Grand National had been complete- 
ly defeated by the employers as a re- 
sult of their vigor in presenting the 
document. 

The records of the life of the New 
Unionism of Amalgamation and Fede- 


Page til 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


ration from 1830 to 1834 showed a great 
enlargement of the ideas of the work- 
men without an improvement in tactics. 
Mr. Sidney Webb writes: “In council, 
they were idealists, humanitarians, so- 
cialists, moralists; in battle, they were 
still the struggling half emancipated 
serfs of 1825, armed with the rude wea- 
pons of the strike and boycott. They 
dissipated their strength over wide 
areas, and did not recover their advant- 
age until they concentrated their efforts 
on narrower and more manageable 
aims”. 

The workers and also the politicians 
failed to understand the immense pro- 
blem that was before them. They 
sought relief from the crushing weight 
of competition under the new system 
of factory industry through political 
Democracy. Only one man — a manu- 
facturer — Robert Owen, realised that 
the new conditions had developed In- 
dustrial Autocracy, and he sought a 
solution in co-operative ownership and 
control of industry answerable to the 
economic co-operation in all industrial 
processes, which had been brought 
about by machinery and factory orga- 
nization and which had removed ma- 
nufacture irrevocably from the sepa- 
rate firesides of independent individual 
producers. 

The disillusionment following on the 
collapse of 1825, caused working class 
organizations to turn to social and poli- 
tical reform, but the Reform Bill did 
not give them Manhood Suffrage. 
After this disappointment, they were 
ready to listen to Robert Owen, and the 
acceptance of his principles resulted 
in the gigantic enlistments in the Grand 
National. Many of his ideas, which 
will be dealt with next week, are said 
to be unsound, and he looked for imme- 
diate and important results. The next 
six months in his view, were going to 
see the New Moral World really estab- 
lished. 

As a consequence of the high hopes, 
and the early achievement of them pro- 
mised by Robert Owen, the Trade 
Unions adopted a haughty attitude, and 
contemptuous language towards the 
, masters, who retaliated with the pre- 
sentation of the document which re- 
quired the worker to repudiate the 
Unions, and a repressive tyranny which 
emphasizes their conception of the 


workers as the “lower orders”. In 
August 1834, the Grand National fail- 
ing in its purpose was converted into 
the British and Foreign Consolidated 
Association of Industry, Humanity and 
Knowledge, having for its aim, the 
establishment of a new moral world by 
the reconciliation of all classes. 

The Trade Union movement was not 
exhausted with the passing of the 
Grand National for the skilled mecha- 
nics of the printing, engineering and 
other trades had held aloof from the 
general movement. Unions in the Build- 
ing Trades flourished ; the Potters 
Union lasted until 1837, and other new 
Unions were begun. 

After 1836, however, trade was bad, 
and many Unions collapsed. A general 
despair of constitutional reform led to 
the growing supremacy of the physical 
force section of the Chartists, and to 
the insurrectionism of 1839-42; but the 
Unions as bodies did not become in- 
volved in this movement. 

Amelioration by insurrection, whet- 
her Owenite of Chartist, was fast losing- 
favor with the working classes. Owen’s 
economic maxims calling for the eli- 
mination of the profit maker, were 
being carried out in the new co-opera- 
tive movement started in Rochdale in 
1844, by the Rochdale Pioneers. 

The new generation of workmen 
were absorbing the economic and poli- 
tical philosophy of the middle class 
reformer of free enterprise and un- 
restricted competition. 

This closes the Revolutionary Period 
of the Trade Union movement. The next 
quarter of a century was devoted to 
the building up of the Great Amalgam- 
ated Societies of skilled artizans, with 
their centralized administration, friend- 
ly society benefits, and generally the 
substitution of Industrial Diplomacy 
for class war. 

During the period now treated of, 
namely, 1843-1860, the Trade Unions 
were largely successful in securing 
their aims which were limited to build- 
ing up stable organisations, and to re- 
sisting the more important of the legal 
and industrial oppressions from which 
they suffered. This may be attributed 
to a general spread of education, to the 
observance of the practical counsels, 
and to the prosperityof industry during 
the period. --r 


Page 62 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


A marked revival in Trade Unionism 
developed in 1843, and many new bodies 
were formed, including a strong union 
of miners who were just released from 
the serfdom of the yearly hirings, and 
the domination of the truck system. 

The Unions began to see the need 
for competent Secretaries, organizers 
and legal assistance. The miners em- 
ployed a clever solicitor named Roberts, 
at a salary of $1,000 per annum. He was 
able to effect the defeat of a Bill in- 
troduced in 1844 for enlarging the 
powers of Justices in determining com- 
plaints between masters, servants and 
a rtificers. 

in 1845, a new Federation of Trade 
Unions was formed called the National 
Association of United Trades for the 
Protection of Labor. With the expe- 
rience of 1834 in mind, the larger 
Unions held aloof, but the smaller and 
less organized trades joined. Its aims 
were moderate — to secure an under- 
standing between employers and em- 
ployees, ‘ * seeing that their interests are 
mutual — to eschew propositions of a 
political nature, and to consider and 
dispose of one question at a time. It 
also formed a separate organisation to 
raise capital with which to employ men 
who were on strike, but this venture 
was not successful. Its Central Exe- 
cutive acted as a kind of Parliamentary 
Committee . It rendered valuable assist- 
ance to the Cotton Spinners Short Time 
Committee which secured the Ten 
Hours Act of 1847. Although discour- 
aging strikes, it became involved in one 
in 1848 which was begun by the tin- 
plate workers of Wolverhampton. This 
drained its funds and destroyed its 
credit. It continued in a small way 
for many years, its paid officers serving 
as advisors of minor Trade Unions. 

Schemes were now undertaken for 
the mental improvement of the work- 
ers by arranging classes for education, 
libraries, and special trade journals. 

In addition to discouraging strikes, 
efforts were made to limit the number 
of apprentices. 

With the advent of the permanent 
salaried officers came the desire to im- 
prove the constitution of the various 
societies. A New Model was produced 
in the Amalgamated Society of Engi- 
neers, which became the standard for 
many other organisations. 


On the completion of the successful 
amalgamation of the engineers, the 
executive announced the intention of 
the Society to put an end to piece work 
and systematic overtime, on December 
31st, 1851. The employers refused to 
agree to the demands or to submit the 
matter to arbitration, so that a strike 
resulted, which lasted for three months. 
The men were defeated. The Executive 
had undertaken to support, not only 
its own 3,500 members, but also the 
1,500 mechanics who were out and 
10,000 laborers as well. 

The Constitution of the Amalgamat- 
ed Society was cleverly arranged. Each 
branch elects and controls its own local 
officers and funds, but everything has 
to be done exactly according to rules. 
In regard to strikes, however, the cen- 
tral executive has the absolute power 
of granting or with-holding strike pay. 
In 1861, the Union had accumulated a 
balance of £73.398. 

Li spite of the aims of the Unions 
to settle differences by conciliation 
and arbitration, an era of strikes set 
in with the contraction of trade in 1857 
In the lock-out in the Building Trades 
arising from the demand for a nine hour 
day, the men were successful. They 
received help from other Societies 
amounting to £23,000. 

It is now right to notice the effect of 
the development of sound organisation, 
and of a salaried staff of able secreta- 
ries. It is fortunate for the Trade 
Union movement that some of the Se- 
cretaries were men of marked ability. 
Five of them, William Allan, Robert 
Applegarth, Daniel Guile, Edwin Coul- 
son and George Odger constituted a 
little group, who, with the assistance 
of brilliant middle class sympathisers 
including Mr. Frederic Harrison, and 
Prof. Beesley succeeded in securing 
Parliamentary action of great benefit 
to Labor. 

The distinctive policy of the Junta, 
as the group of Secretaries was called, 
was the combination of extreme cau- 
tion in trade matters and energetic 
action for political reform Their trade 
policy was restricted to securing for 
every workman those terms which the 
lust employers were willing voluntarily 
io grant. They believed that a levell- 
ing down of all political privileges and 
the opening out of euducational and 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 63 


social opportunities to ail classes of the 
community would bring in its train a 
large measure of economic equality. 
They were drawn into a whole series 
of political agitations for the Fran- 
()i»se, for the amendment of the Masters 
and Servants law, for new Mines Re- 
gulation Acts, for National Education, 
and for the full legislation of Trade 
Fnions themselves. 

Between 1858 and 1867 there were 
formed permanent Trades Councils in 
leading Industrial Centres. The Lon- 
don Council was formed in 1861. It 
was composed mainly of the represen- 
tatives of the smaller Societies, bi t by 
1864, the Council included the large 
National Societies, and particular* v 
t he members of the Junta, it acted as 
a Parliamentary Committee, and in 
1866, enthusiastically threw itself into 
the demonstration in favor of the Re- 
form Bill, in which other Trades Coun- 
cils assisted. In May 1864, there assem- 
bled the first Trades Union Congress 
with delegates from the Provincial 
Councils. They met to agitate for an 
amendment of the Masters and Serv- 
ants Act. Members of Parliament were 
lobbied. Mr. Cobbett introduced a 
Bill, but no action was taken until 1867 
when the Employers and Workmen's 
Act replaced the Masters and Servants 
Act. 

Owing to some defeats at the hands 
of the workmen, the “document” forc- 
ing the workmen to repudiate Unionism, 
fell into disuse with the employers, but 
they endeavored to subdue the Unions 
by frequent lock-outs. The Trade 
Unions formed the United Kingdom 
Alliance of organized trades to support 
those locked out, but unfortunately, 
the conference could not agree as to 
what constituted a lock-out. Meantime, 
a sensation was caused by the explosion 
of a ean of gunpowder in a workman’s 
house in Sheffield. 

This outrage caused a demand for an 
investigation to which the Unions agreed. 
The Government was quite ready 
and appointed a Commission to enquire 
into outrages for ten years past. The 
investigation was also to be wide 
enough to embrace the whole of Trade 
Unionism and its effects. 

Again the movement found itself at 
the bar of a Parliamentary enquiry 


when public opinion was aroused 
against it. 

In addition to this, a judicial deci- 
sion held that the Unions could not 
proceed against defaulting officials 
under the Friendly Societies’ Act, so 
that their large funds were at the mer- 
cy of the officials. 

The Junta called for the aid of its 
middle class friends. Frederic Harri- 
son and Thomas Hughes were appointed 
to the Commission, and permission was 
granted for representative Trade 
Unionists to be present during the exa- 
mination of witnesses. Investigation 
was concentrated on the large Unions, 
which were occupied with insurance, 
the maintenance of the standard Rate 
of Wages, and Standard Hours of La- 
bor. It was shown that the outrages 
were committed spasmodically by mem- 
bers of small Unions, and were not 
countenanced by the larger Unions. 
The successful presentation of the case 
of the Trade Unions resulted in a 
changed attitude on the part of the 
governing class which was expressly 
attributed to the “greater knowledge” 
and wider experience which had been 
gained through the Royal Commission. 

It made no recommendations, how- 
ever, that would improve the condition 
of the Unions, but the minority report 
signed by Harrison, Hughes and the 
Earl of Linchfield laid down in general 
terms the principles upon which future 
legislation should proceed. 

Mr. Frederic Harrison had urged 
upon the Unions the necessity of turn- 
ing to the polling booths for success, 
and on the passing of the Reform Bill 
of 1867, which enfranchised the work- 
ing man in the Boroughs, a circular 
was issued urging upon the Trade 
Unionists, the importance of registering 
as electors. 

A Bill was introduced and passed 
legalizing Unions, but it included re- 
strictive clauses against picketing. The 
Trade Unions objected, but the utmost 
they could secure was the embodiment 
of the criminal clauses in a separate 
Criminal Law Amendment Bill in 1871. 
This Act was repealed in 1875. 

The Trade Unionists numbering more 
than 1,100,000 organised workmen 
played a considerable part in the elec- 
tion of 1874, and it is said that they did 
much to defeat Gladstone because of 


Page 64 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


his refusal to deal with the Criminal 
Law Amendment Act. In this election, 
thirteen Labor candidates went to the 
poll, and two were elected. 

Whilst the Junta was winning poli- 
tical victory in London, the centre of 
gravity of Trade Unionism was being 
shifted to the Industrial districts north 
of the Humber, due principally to the 
rapid growth of the Federation of Coal- 
miners and Cotton operatives. 

It is notable that more form and 
order was introduced into Trade Union 
conferences, particularly at that of the 
Miners at Leeds in 1863. The delegates 
were divided into three sections — on 
law. on grievances, and on social orga- 
nization. It sought to secure the Stan- 
dard of Life by means of legislative 
regulation of the conditions of work, 
which included the eight hour day. It 
endeavored to remedy the unscrupulous 
practice of the coalminers of condemn- 
ing a certain percentage of the men's 
tubs or hutches as being improperly 
filled, thus escaping payment for part 
of the coal hewn. An Act was passed 
in I860 empowering the miners in each 
pit to appoint a checkweigher. The 
Masters made every attempt to avoid 
compliance with the law. These check- 
weighers eventually became a source of 
supply of Trade Union secretaries. 

There arose also at the time the skill- 
ed calculators of prices for the cotton 
operatives, who had to deal with the 
intricate and voluminous cotton lists, 
which were beyond the comprehension 
of the ordinary operative or manufac- 
turer. The Bolton Spinning List cover- 
ed 85 pages closely filled with figures. 

In 1872, the Factory Acts Reform 
Association was established to secure 
a reduction of the hours of labor from 
60 to 54 hours per week. It cleverly 
decided to press for the ostensibly for 
women and children, knowing that any 
success would bring an equivalent 
shortening of hours for men. In 1875, 
an Act was passed making legal a 5 6y 2 
hour week. 

Trade Unions were successful, not 
only in politics but in collective bar- 
gaining with employers. In 1871-72 a 
nine hour day was secured in any trades 
by strikes or threats of strikes. 

There was much criticism of the Jun- 
ta for apathy in trade matters, and for 
failure to encourage strikes. There were 


also difficulties in the Amalgamated 
Society of Engineers due to the over- 
lapping of trades. 

Furthermore, the clerical staff was 
insufficient, so that the executive coun- 
cil had to spend a large part of its time 
upon the care of its funds. 

The remarkable energy and success 
of the United Society of Boiler makers 
and Iron shipbuilders, both in their 
friendly benefits, and their collective 
bargaining, was due to an adequate and 
expert staff. 

The tendency of some of the large 
societies to specialize in insurance bene- 
fits leading to a desire for the exclu- 
sion of certain trades, and also the dif- 
ficulties of demarcation between trades, 
caused a development of other societies, 
which led to a sectionalism, always a 
cause of weakness among Trade Unions, 
but the effect of this want of solidarity 
did not become evident until a depres- 
sion in trade arose in 1875. 

The series of Parliamentary succes- 
ses which the Unions had won, produced 
a feeling of triumphant elation among 
the leaders. In 1867, they were regard- 
ed by the public as “unscrupulous men 
leading a half idle life”, “fattening 
on the contributions of their dupes”. 
In 1875, they found themselves elected 
to the local school boards, to the House 
of Commons, even pressed by the Gov- 
ernment to accept seats on Royal Com- 
missions, and they were respectfully 
listened to in the Lobby\ 

In 1873, a manifesto of the employers 
said: “Few are aware of the extent, 
compactness of organisation, large re- 
sources and great influence of the Trade 
Unions”. 

The outburst of Unionism in 1873- 
74 rivalled that of 1933-34, and likewise 
reached the agricultural laborers. The 
National Agricultural Laborers' Union 
reached a membership of nearly 100, 
000. It presented demands of the em- 
ployers, who retaliated with lock-outs 
but in spite of a certain sympathy from 
the public, the farmers eventually won. 

Workshops were established once 
more by the Trade Unions in 1871-75 
in order to enable a certain number of 
their members to escape wage labor, 
but they were again unsuccessful, and 
the attempt was riot repeated. 

As a result of arbitration conferences 
with employers, the leaders of many 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Pnge 6.'> 


Trade Unions began to accept the capi- 
talists' axiom that wages must neces- 
sarily fluctuate according to the capi- 
talists' profits, but this doctrine was 
objected to by some of the more thought- 
ful men who sought a minimum wage. 

In the depression of 1875-1878, the 
weakness of the sectionalism of the 
Unions was shown, and the Unions 
were defeated in every direction. It has 
been described as a general rout. The 
failure of the City of Glasgow Bank 
ruined half a dozen Scotch Trade 
Unions. The Amalgamated Society of 
Engineers paid out in three years 
£1,287,596 for out of * work benefit, and 
other Societies suffered to the same 
degree. 

While there had been an increasing 
consolidation among the Unions, there 
was a growing differentiation of policy 
and interest. Each trade was working 
out its own industrial problems in its 
own way. 

From 1875-79, the Trade Union move- 
ment had been dominated by a narrow 
particularism. From 1880-1885, the 
various Societies were absorbed in 
building up again their membership 
and balances. The cleavage of interest 
and opinion proved deeper than was 
suspected, and an imperfect apprecia- 
tion of each others position led to a 
conflict between the Old Unionists 
and the New, which threatened to dis- 
integrate the whole Labor movement. 

The Trade Union Congress was very 
successful between 1871 and 1875 in 
securing political triumphs, but it began 
to be less representative of the deve- 
lopment of Trade Unionism as such 
than of the social and political aspira- 
tions of its members. From 1875 to 
1885, it concerned itself mainly with 
personal questions, and by reason of 
the sectionalism of its various compo- 
nent societies, it neglected such import- 
ant questions as collective bargaining, 
legislative restriction, overlap, piece 
work lists, and so on. 

Since 1871, the Trade Union Con- 
gress has annually elected a Parliamen- 
tary Committee of ten members and a 
secretary. These men were able or- 
ganizers but accepted the economic 
individualism that dominated the Liber- 
al party. They pressed for Peasant 
Proprietorship instead of Land Natio- 
nalisation, self governing workshops 


owned by artizans instead of collective 
control of the means of production. 
They followed a policy of shrewd cau- 
tion and practical opportunism. 

With the exception of Employers' 
Liability Act, nothing seems to have 
called out the full energies of the lead- 
ers. While the Congress adopted pay- 
ment of Election Expenses in 1883, and 
payment of Members of Parliament in 
1884, the Parliamentary Committee 
omitted both these propositions from 
its draft, and like Mr. Gladstone, could 
not even bring itself to ask for free 
education. Its policy was “laissez 
faire”, and it probably represented 
the views of the rank and file . 

A change soon came about. Henry 
George’s book, “ Progress and Pover- 
ty’’ had a wide circulation in Great Bri- 
tain in 1880 to 1882. His Single Tax 
on land values led to a vivid apprecia- 
tion of the results of the landlords 
appropriation of economic rent. The 
Socialist party, reorganized in London 
between 1881 and 1883, merged the 
project of land nationalisation in the 
wider conception of an organized De- 
mocratic community, in which the col- 
lective power and income should be 
consciously directed to the common 
benfit of all. The artizan in the great 
industries saw his chance of being a 
successful employer becoming more 
remote every day, and that, in spite of 
an enormous increase in wealth produc- 
tion, his earnings were barely sufficient 
to support his family in decency and 
comfort. 

He therefore readily accepted the 
new theories. Discontent arising from 
violent fluctuations in trade due to 
speculation and over production, acted 
as an additional incentive to adopt the 
new theories which received support 
from the results of the investigation 
into the social condition of the whole 
of London which showed that a million 
and a quarter people fell habitually 
below the poverty line. 

For these evils, the opportunistic 
policies of Free Trade, extended suf- 
frage and well administered Trade 
Unions had proved of no assistance, and 
all that the politicians had to offer was 
a further extension of the Franchise, 
and popular education. Cheapness of 
commodities was of no use to a man 
out of employment and education serv- 


Pago 66 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


(‘(l only to increase his discontent with 
existing social conditions. 

The New 7 Unionist called for aggres- 
si VO act ion, and a substitution of an 
ideal of Collectivism for Individual- 
ism. 

The New Unionist — the New Social- 
ly,, — captured the great army of un- 
skilled or only partially skilled labor 
in London and other large cities. It was 
also adopted by the Old Unions who 
now 7 favored land nationalisation find 
the eight hour day. It was assisted by 
the remarkable success of the strikes 
of unskilled and unorganized work- 
ers. The women making lueifer matches 
went on strike in 1888 against their 
harsh treatment. With the financial aid 
of sympathisers and with the help ot 
public opinion, they defeated the em- 
ployers. 

The Gas Workers and General La- 
borers' Union, organized in May 1899, 
demanded in August of the same year 
a reduction of hours from 12 to 8. Their 
demand w r as granted and w T as even 
accompanied by a slight increase in 
w 7 ages. 

The most extraordinary success for 
the w'orkers, how’ever, w 7 as the Dock- 
ers’ strike for 6c per hour extra pay 
overtime, and a minimum engagement 
>f 4 hours. The membership of the 
Union was small, fluctuating between 
300 and 2,500. It had practically no 
funds, but 10,000 men left work wlien 
the strike w 7 as called. $148,736 w*as sub- 
scribed by the public, including $160,- 

000 from Australia, The men won. 
Trade Unionism now spread with 

rapidity. The New Unionism became 
more active than ever, and imposed its 
policies on the Parliamentary Commit - 

1 ee. 

John Burns and Tom Mann began to 
modify their advanced Syndicalist 
ideas. The former w 7 as elected a mem- 
ber of the London County Council, and 
quickly found himself organising the 
beginnings of a bureaucratic municipal 
collectivism. Mann discovered the im- 
practicability of using unemployed 
dockers in the production, for mutual 
exchange, of bread and clothing. Both 
realized the impossibility of bringing 
about any sudden change in the social 
or industrial organisation of the whole 
community, and advocated constitu- 
tional development. 


“The leaders of the New Unionists 
“ sought to bring into the ranks of 
“ existing organisations the 1 rade 
“ Union, the Municipality, or the 

“ state great masses of unorganized 

“ workers, who had hitherto been 
“ cither absolutely outside the pals, 
“ 0 r inert elements within it. They 
44 aimed, not a superseding existing 
44 social structures, but at capturing 
44 them all in the interests of the wage 
44 earners*’. Above all, they sought 
to teach the great masses of undisci- 
plined workers how to apply their new- 
ly acquired political pow 7 er so as to 
obtain, in a perfectly constitutional 
•manner, wdiatever changes in legislation 
or administration they desired. 

in 1892, the membership of the Brit- 
ish Trade Unions was between 1,500,- 
000 and 1,600,000. In 1910, the num- 
ber exceeded 2^/i millions w'ith funds 
exceeding £16,000,000. In 1909, the 
position of the Trade Unions is again 
threatened by the Osborne judgment 
which decided in effect that any mem- 
ber of a Trade Union w 7 as entitled to 
restrain the Union from making a levy 
for the purpose of supporting the La- 
bor party or maintaining members of 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 67 


Parliament. The difficulties with which 
the Trade Unions were threatened as 
a consequence of this judgment have 
been removed by remedial legislation. 

In recent years, Trade Unions have 
been successful in securing the adop- 
tion of the principle of the minimum 
wage for certain industries, Unemploy- 
ment Insurance, and Joint Industrial 
Councils, all of which will he dealt with 
in some detail in subsequent lectures. 

In Great Britain, the National bodies 
controlling the interests of Labor are 
three : 

(1) The Trades Union Congress, 
which has no financial obligations 
towards the Trade Unions, unless a 
case occurs which raises some important 
legal issue of general application to 
the whole movement. Its political duties 
are limited to supporting or endorsing 
candidates who may be put forward by 
other labor bodies. 

(2) The General Federation of Tra- 
de Unions, which exists for securing 
more effective organisation, and for 
gathering money into one fund, so that 
particular Trade Unions, in times of 
dispute, may receive financial support 
from the movement as a whole. Its 
functions therefore are finance and 
organisation. 

(3) The National Labor Party, which 
exists for political campaigning, and 
the creating in Parliamentary consti- 
tuencies of local bodies capable of 
running candidates, and of securing 
success at the polls. 

The great majority of organized 
workers in Canada are in affiliation 
with international unions. In 1917, 
there were 93 international organisa- 
tions having one or more local 
branches in Canada. They controlled 
1,702 branch unions out of a total num- 
ber of 1,974 in the Dominion. The 
total Trade Union membership was 
204,030, of which only 32,343 are mem- 
bers of non-international organisations. 


Most of the international unions are 
in affiliation with the American Fede- 
ration of Labor. 

The Trades and Labor Congress of 
Canada is stated to be the most repre- 
sentative labor organisation in the 
Dominion. In 1917, 47 of the more 
important international organisations 
having branches in Canada were affi- 
liated with the Congress, representing 
1,073 local branches. The Congress is 
recognized by the American Federa- 
tion of Labor as the legislative mouth- 
piece of organized labor in the Domi- 
nion. 

An independant Labor Party for tin* 
Province of Ontario was formed in 
July 1917. Subsequent to this action, 
the executive council of the Trades and 
Labor Congress recommended the or- 
ganisation of an independent labor 
party for Canada. The recommenda- 
tion was approved and the executive 
council authorized to take the initia- 
tory proceedings. In November 1917, 
the Quebec branch of the Labor Party 
of Canada was formed. In the last 
election thirty-six candidates were re- 
cognized, three of them subsequently 
withdrawing. Four other cnadidates 
also contested constituencies in the 
Labor or Socialist interests. Only two 
were returned. 

The Fifth Sunday Meeing Associa- 
tion is the representative of the indi- 
vidual members of the Railroads Brot- 
herhoods numbering about 160 to 
170,000 people. Its aims are: 

1st. — Direct y>ol it ical representation 
of the country’s workmen, those who 
toil by hand or brain. 

2nd.— The advancement of education 
on a par with the most enlightened 
policies to be found in any part of the 
world. 

3rd. — Methodical organization of the 
Dominion into political districts, where 
capabb men — developed by the move- 
ment — may be brought forward and 
run for office in Dominion, Provincial 
or Municipal elections, backed by a 
carefully prepared organization to 
ensure success. 

The American Federation of Labor 
is said to be the strongest Trade Union 


Pago 68 


THE CANADIAN 


Federation in the world, having a mem- 
bership, on Sept., 30th, 1917, of 2,371,- 
434. Its aims are as follows: 

(1) To encourage the formation of 
local trade unions, and their federation 
into district, provincial, national and 
international bodies . The autonomy 
of each trade is recognized. 

(2) To aid and encourage the sale of 
union-label goods, to secure legislation 
in the interests of the working people, 
and influence public opinion by peace- 
ful and legal methods in favor of 
organized labor. 

Th<e Federation, at least until recent- 
ly, lias been opposed to a direct politi- 
cal representation, relying upon orga- 
nization and the use of the strike to 
secure its aims. It discourages legisla- 
tion fixing minimum wages and short 
work days, except lor minors, women 
and public servants, as it relies upon 
its own power to secure these in ac- 
cordance with the advance in the pro- 
ductiveness of modern machinery. It 
is not in love with the Socialists or the 
I. W. W. 


The Industrial Workers of the 
World have made their appeal parti- 
cularly to the unskilled and radical 
workers. During 1917, the organization 
claimed a membership of 90,000. In 
1915, it had three local branches in 
Canada, which were dissolved. Ils 
strength in Canada lies in Alberta and 
J». O. It relies on “direct'” action and 
favors sabotage. 

It will be seen from this very brief 
statement of the present situation that 
the Trade Unions in Canada are fol- 
lowing rathger in the steps of their 
English brothers than of the American 
Federation. 

What developments may reasonably 
be looked for in the coming days? The 
British Government has already en- 
dorsed the recommendations of the 
Whitley Committee on Joint Industrial 


RAILROADER 


Councils, the formation of which re- 
quire as complete organization as pos- 
slide both on the part of employers and 
employees. We may therefore see an 
active encouragement on the part of 
many Governments of the world or 
organization in all classes of labor. 
Of special importance in this connexion 
is the fault that the present Peace Con- 
ference is contemplating international 
legislation on labor matters. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page t>3 


INDUSTRIAL THEORIES 


B EFORE outlining in this chapter 
the principles or ideals which 
have been adopted in certain 
quarters as the ultimate aims of the 
workers, and which, when reached are 
expected completely to ameliorate con- 
ditions, I feel that I should make a 
rough sketch of some of the conditions 
surrounding the worker of to-day, and 
of the growing disparity between the 
rewards accruing to the owners of the 
means of production, and those enjoyed 
by the worker. 

In the opening chapter of his “Prog- 
ress and Poverty/ 7 the late Henry 
George asks what a scientist of the 
18th century would have imagined as 
the results of the scientific and mechan- 
ical discoveries which we know to-day, 
if he could have envisioned them. Had 
lie known that within the next century, 
the productive power of labour was to 
be increased twenty, fifty, a hundred 
fold, he would have come to no other 
conclusion than that this increased 
power to produce the necessaries of life 
would result in abolishing all poverty, 
and in lightening men's toil almost to 
the extent of making their lives a per- 
petual holiday from manual work. But 
writing fifty years after the harnessing 
of steam power to new machinery, John 
Stuart Mill said it was doubtful if all 
our labour saving machinery had light- 
ened the day’s toil of a single indivi- 
dual. It is likely that although the 
percentage of those who are in poverty 
to-day is less than before, the actual 
number of people in this condition is 
greater than at any previous time of 
our industrial history. The advantages 
arising from scientific discoveries and 
mechanical inventions, have accrued 
in far greater measure to a small sec- 
tion of the people owning the means 
of production than to the masses of 
tin* people. 

In 1891, it was found that 32 per 
cent of the whole population of London 
(in some large districts over 60 per 
cent) were living in a state of chronic 
poverty. 

In the midst of this condition, the 
national wealth was increasing rapidly. 


In his book “National Progress in 
Wealth and Trade,” Professor Bowley, 
Teacher of Statistics in the University 
of London says that the estimate of th,e 
national income of the United King- 
dom as being £1,600,000,000 in 1891 
has never been seriously questioned. 
From that basis he estimated that the 
total in 1903 would be very little short 
of £2,000,000,000. Following the method 
adopted by Professor Bowley of es- 
timating the increase from the increase 
in population and the amount of income 
observed by the Inland Revenue Com- 
mission, ers.it would appear that in 1911, 
the total national income would be in 
the neigh go r hood of £2,250,000,000. 
The capital wealth of Great Britain 
was increasing at the rate of £200,000,- 
000 annually. One half of the national 
income was enjoyed by one-ninth of the 
population. In a lecture delivered in 
May 1911, Professor Bowley estimated 
that about 8,000,000 men are employed 
in regular occupations in the United 
Kingdom, and that their full weekly 
wages when in ordinary work were as 
follows: 4 per cent under 15/-; 8 per 
cent between 15/- and 20/-; 20 per cent 
between 20/- and 25/-; 21 per cent 
between 25/- and 30/-; 21 per cent be- 
tween 30/- and 35/-; 13 per cent be- 
tween 35/- and 40/-; 7 per cent be- 
tween 40 / - and 45/- ;and 6 per cent 

over 45/-. Thirty-two per cent of the 
number earn, according to this es- 
timate, less than 25/- per week. 

An illustration of the distribution of 
wealth will be found in the statement 
that of 700,000 persons who died in 
1910, five millionaires left more than 
all the rest put together. 

This unequal distribution of income 
and wealth implies considerable pov- 
erty, the effects of which are shown 
in defective national health. It is stated 
that the infantile death-rate in the 
working class quarters of an industrial 
town is from one and a half to two 
and a half times that of the infantile 
death-rate in the quarters of the richer 
classes. Figures supplied by Dr. Dukes 
to the Commission on Physical Train- 
ing in Scotland show, that when fully 


Page 


70 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


grown, the children of the working 
classes are about 2% inches shot ter, 
and 16 pounds lighter, on the average 
ih an the children of the well-to-do In 
the five years 1904-VJ08, no -ess than 
107,(X)0 recruits for the Army were re- 
jected as being unfit. 

Povertv results in over-crowding. It 
is stated that the three important towns 
of Newcastle, Gateshead and Sunder- 
land had. at the census of 1901, over 
:i0 per cent of the population living m 
a state of overcrowding. In Glasgow 
f,4 per cent of the population were liv- 
ing more than two persons to one room 
and in Dundee, 49 per cent. Sixteen 
per cent of the whole population ot 
Glasgow were living in one-roomed 
tenements. Dr. Leslie Mackenzie lias 
published the results of his examina- 
tion of children from these one-roomed 
tenements in Glasgow. He examined 
72,857 children, and discovered that 
the average height of a boy from a one- 
roomed tenement was 4.7 inches below 
that of a boy coming from a four- 
roomed tenement. It is possible that 
a similar investigation here would yield 
startling results. 

Unemployment also, is always pres- 
ent. Over a number of years, 5 per 
cent of the organized workers are, on 
the average unemployed. The lowest 
percentage for the United Kingdom is 
2V-, per cent, giving a regular un- 
employed army of 350.000 persons. 

One half of the workers who reach 
the age of 65 were dependent on the 
poor law, and a large proportion of the 
others were supported by their chil- 
dren and friends. 


It has been stated of the United 
States, that more than seven-eights of 
the wealth is owned by less than 1 per 
cent of the population, and one-half of 
the income goes to one-tentli of the 
people. 

In the London Times of August 28th, 
1!»08, it was stated that in fairly pros- 
perous times, there are at least 10 mil- 
lion — some careful statisticians say 15 
to 20 million — people in America who 
are always underfed and poorly housed 
and of these, 4,000.000 are public pau- 
pers. Little children to the number of 
1,700,000 who should be at school, are 
wage-earners. One in every ten in New 
York who die has a pauper’s burial ; at 


the present ratio of deaths from tuber- 
culosis. 10.000.000 now living will sue- 
cumb to that disease; 60,463 families 
in Manhattan, New York, were evicted 
from their homes in 1903. ’ 

On the other side, we have a picture 
of the growing national wealth in the 
following figures compiled by the Cen- 
sus Bureau at Washington: The total 
wealth in 1850 was seven 'billion dol- 
lars: in 1870, it was twenty-four bil- 
lions; in 1900 eighty-eight billions and 
f n 1004, one hundred and seven billion 
dollars. 

In brief, there is a growing tendency 
for wealth to become highly concen- 
trated. which is probably due to the 
fact that the share of the national in- 
come which arises from rent and profit 
increases both in amount and in pro- 
portion, whilst, even if the wages of 
the manual workers increase , there is 
also a corresponding increase in the 
cost of living which makes saving dif- 
ficult. 

The social problems that have dev- 
eloped as a result of the conditions des- 
cribed, are occupying the attention of 
a large number of people and organ- 
izations. Many societies have been 
formed to deal with specific questions; 
tlie Universities and the Churches are 
showing a keen interest and in contra- 
distinction to their previous attitude of 
confining themselves to attempts at 
palliating the results, or of finding the 
causes of poverty in a pei’sonal vice or 
defect, such as drink, or thriftlessness, 
they are beginning to recognize the es- 
sential unity of all social questions and 
are seeking for the jirimary causes. 

Many are beginning to see that the 
defects are to he found in the present 
structure of our industrial system, and 
as a consequence much legislation, es- 
sentially of a socialistic nature has been 
passed, although those supporting it 
would deny emphatically any adher- 
ence to the principles of Socialism. 

I said in my introductory chapter 
that the development which had become 
most evident as a result of the war, 
was the intention on the part of the 
workers and soldiers, that for the fu- 
ture in industry, a due and proper re- 
gard for human rights must take pre- 
cedence over all other considerations, 
and for the purpose of bringing such a 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


i’age 71 


condition about, many theories were 
being widely considered. Some of these 
theories are unsound, some may be pre- 
mature, but in order that our progress 
may be along staple lines — and prog- 
ress of some kind we cannot stop— we 
must consider all theories, all ideas, so 
that we may be able to understand 
them, and determine which are sound, 
and which are applicable to our present 
conditions. I shall therefore proceed to 
outline some of these theories. 

SOCIALISM 

It is well that we should understand 
what Socialism means. Therefore, I 
shall give one or two definitions: It 
lias been defined as “that policy or 
theory which aims at securing by the 
action of the central democratic author- 
ity a better distribution, and in due su- 
bordinate thereto a better production, 
of wealth than now prevails.” 

John Stuart Mill said: “The social 
problem of the future, we considered 
to be how to unite the greatest indivi- 
dual liberty of action with a common 
ownership in the raw materials of the 
globe, and an equal participation of all 
in the blessings which come from com- 
bined labour.” It may be added that 
many socialists today look rather for 
equality of oportunity than for an 
exact equality of distribution. 

Another definition is the following: 
“The economic quintessence of the So- 
cialistic programme, the real aim of 
the individual movement is as follows: 
To* replace the system of private cap- 
ital (i. e. the speculative method of 
production, regulated on behalf of so- 
ciety only by the free competition of 
private enterprise) by a system of col- 
lective capital, that is, by a method of 
production which would introduce a 
unified (social or collective) organiza- 
tion of national labour, on the basis of 
collective or common ownership of the 
means of production by all the mem- 
bers of the society. This collective 
method of production would remove 
the present competitive system, by plac- 
ing under official administration such 
departments of production as can be 
managed collectively (socially or co- 
operatively) as well as the distribution 
among all of the common produce of 
all, according to the amount and social 


utility of the productive labour of 
each.” 

By capital is to be understood land 
as well as the instruments of produc- 
tion, and the floating capital necessary 
for carrying on the work of produc- 
tion. 

Socialists state that it is a fallacy to 
suppose that they seek to abolish cap- 
ital or wealth. They aim to preserve 
it, to increase it, and to concentrate it 
for greater social utility. They propose 
to abolish private ownership in land, 
and in such industries as can be man- 
aged collectively. Economic rent, that 
is the value given to land by the 
growth of the community, should be- 
long to the State. Economic rent is a 
social product, the creation of labour. 
Profit and interest on capital is also the 
product of labour; it is the unearned 
income. Therefore, if the best way to 
appropriate rent is to nationalize land, 
the source, they argue that the best 
way in which to appropriate unearned 
income from capital, is to nationalize 
capital, the source. 

A socialist writes: “The capitalist 
system is indefensible on moral grounds. 
It injures those who conduct its opera- 
tions, and those who are brought within 
the influence of these operations. The 
system of capitalism is immoral because 
it places one man in another man’s 
power to be used as a means to one’s 
selfish ends. The private ownership 
of industrial capital is morally wrong 
because it is not in harmony with the 
essential conditions of a healthy social 
life. Unhealthy industrial and social 
conditions spring from the want of 
harmony and co-operation between 
tilings which are essentially and vitally 
connected. Just as there must be co- 
operation between all the parts of the 
human body if physical health is to be 
enjoyed, so there must be co-operation 
between all the different parts of the 
industrial system. Tt is to the lack of 
co-operation in certain parts of the in- 
dustrial system that Socialists attri- 
bute the evils and inequalities which 
exist in society.” 

As to the precise way in which these 
aims will be attained, it is stated that 
the intelligent socialist leaves this to 
the wisdom and knowledge of the, fu- 
ture. The details and methods will be 


Page 72 



Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


determined largely by the form which 
the great industrial operations assume 
in the process of evolution, and b\ t u 
political ideas which will prevail in the 
further stages of the transition period. 

There are many kinds of Socialists. 
They agree upon the causes of the pre- 
sent troubles, namely in stating that 
the poverty of the workers is caused 
by the private ownership of land and 
capital, and all aim, in one way or an- 
other to give them a direct interest in 
their work, and some share in the own- 
ership of the business in which they 
work. The methods of achieving their 
aims, and in some particulars the aims 
themselves differ, so that in some re- 
spects they represent conflicting or 
opposing movements. 

It is stated that all Socialists are now 
agreed that the economic changes that 
are aimed at must be brought about b\ 
political action. 

Mr. Sidney Webb says that there can 
be no doubt that the progress towards 
Socialism will be (1) Democratic - 
that is, prepared for in the minds of 
the people, and accepted by them: (2) 
Gradual — causing no dislocation of in- 
dustry however rapid the progress may 
be; (3) Moral— that is, not regarded 
by the sense of the community as being 
immoral ; (4) Constitutional — that is, 

by legal enactment sanctioned by a 
democratic Parliament. 

Whether politicians describe them- 
selves as Socialists or not, much legis- 
lation leading towards the achievement 
of the aims of the Socialists is being 
enacted in all countries. It is stated 
that the taxation of the rents of the 
landlords, and the profits of the capi- 
talists, the interference by the State 
with the way in which landlords and 
capitalists use their land and capital, 
the increasing use of the powers of the 
State to raise the standard of life of the 
people, and the acquisition by the com- 
munity of services previously owned 
and conducted by private enterprise, 
are movements which are being assisted 
by all parties, and against which, on 
principle, no political party raises a 
definite protest, though parties do pro- 
test against the adoption of these prin- 
ciples in particular forms which they 
think are likely to affect their personal 
interests. 


It is further stated that in the United 
Kingdom vcrv considerable advance 
has Ven made along this “four-fold 
path to Socialism” as it was once des- 
cribed by Mr. Sidney Webb. It would 
not be true to say that this policy was 
embarked upon as the outcome of a 
settled theoretic conviction that it 
should be the deliberate aim of con- 
structive statemansliip to pursue it. 
The policy has been rather forced 
upon Parliament by the pressing neces- 
sity of intolerable and often inhuman 
conditions. There has been no coherence 
in this policy. The reforms have been 
adopted one by one, not as deliberate 
steps to a definite goal, but as reforms 
which seemed worth adopting. It is 
said that with the growth of conscious 
Socialist opinion and its increasing in- 
fluence in polities, a policy which has 
had indefinite, haphazard and empiri- 
cal expression will become the definite 
and logical aim of politics. 

The first of the four ways along the 
four-fold road mentioned by Mr. Sid- 
ney Webb is to be sought by the con- 
stantly increasing interference by the 
State’ with the unrestricted individual 
use of land and capital. The second 
line of progress is by legislation which 
aims at raising the standard of life of 
the workers, and at making provision 
for sickness, misfortune, old age and 
unemployment. The third way is by 
the taxation of the rents of the land- 
lord, and the profits of the capitalist. 
The fourth method is by graudally su- 
perseding private enterprise by the 
public ownership and management of 
productive works and distributive and 
transport services. 

Socialism although properly a wide 
and embracing term is now most fre- 
quently used to indicate generally 
those theories that call for a central- 
ized democratic control of production 
through such bodies as the State and 
the municipalities. There is some va- 
riety in aims and means. The chief 
school with a definite policy is that of 
the Collectivists or State Socialists 
whose aims are enunciated in ‘‘Labour 
and the New Social Order” which is 
the platform of the British Labour 
Party. This will be dealt with a little 
later. 

Socialism is as old as history. We 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 7:i 


have it in Plate's Republic which would 
not please the ladies of today, as wo- 
men are regarded as chattels ; in More ’s 
Utopia, in Campanula's 4 'City of the 
Sun," and in many other dreams. 
Modern Socialism began in about 1816 
both in France and in England. French 
Socialism was philosophic, whereas 
English Socialism was more directly 
the creation of Industrialism. In Eng- 
land, Robert Owen was the first man 
to develop practical working schemes. 
As these ultimately took the form of co- 
operation, they will be dealt with un- 
der that heading. Numerous Socialistic 
developments have taken place in 
Great Britain, as already stated, with- 
out any conscious acceptance on the 
part of the legislators of the principles 
of Socialism itself, such as State and 
Municipal ownership, Factory Acts, 
Mines and Truck Acts, Minimum Wage 
Legislation, Unemployment and Sick- 
ness Insurance, Old Age Pensions, and 
so on. 

Many objections to State Socialism 
are made by the moderate anarchists — 
the opponents of State control. A 
strong central government to which all 
power was given over all the chief in- 
dustries in the country would, they 
say, be contrary to liberty. Our leaders 
would be too likely to become again 
our masters. Supervision would become 
irksome. Great powers would be a 
temptation to abuse of power. A demo- 
cracy with a strong central govern- 
ment would need to leave much to its 
chosen guardians, and to retain the 
same men in the position of guardians 
till they fully learned the difficult busi- 
ness of their offices but this in the end 
means either what we have now, a gov- 
ernment by elected leaders who, once 
elected, consult our wishes only on rare 
occasions, or a government by perma- 
nent officials, which means liberty to 
go on in the old ways but great fear 
and jealousy of new ways, in fact, 
order without progress, no liberty of 
change. 

Anarchism 

Prince Kroptokin says of Anarchism 
that it is the name given to a principle 
or theory of life and conduct under 
which society is conceived without 
Government — harmony in such Society 


being obtained, not by submission to 
law, or by obedience to any authority, 
but by free agreements concluded be- 
tween the various groups, territorial 
and professional, freely constituted 
for the sake of production and con- 
sumption as also for the satisfaction 
of the infinite variety of needs and as- 
pirations of a civilized being. In a so- 
ciety developed on these lines, the vol- 
untary associations which already now 
begin to cover all the fields of human 
activity would take a still larger ex- 
tension so as to substitute themselves 
for the state in all its functions. They 
would represent an interwoven network 
composed of an infinite variety of 
groups and federations of all sizes and 
degrees, local, regional, national and 
international — temporary more or less 
permanent — for all possible purposes; 
production, consumption and exchange, 
communications, sanitary arrangements 
education, mutual protection, defence 
of the territory and so on; and on the 
other side, for the satisfaction of an 
ever-increasing number of scientific, 
artistic, literary and sociable needs. 
Moreover, such a society would repre- 
sent nothing immutable. On the con- 
trary — as is seen in organic life at large 
—harmony would (it is contended) re- 
sult from an ever-changing adjustment 
and readjustment of equilibrium be- 
tween the multitude of forces and in- 
fluences, and this adjustment would 
be the easier to obtain as none of the 
forces would enjoy a special protection 
from the state." 

It is also stated that there is a close 
affinity between the older school of co- 
operators and Anarchism, which is pop- 
ularly regarded as a movement for the 
overthrow of society by revolution. 
There are two distinct schools of 
Anarchists, the Individual Anarchists 
and the Anarchist Communists. The 
Individual Anarchists do not believe 
in the use of force on the ground that 
“Liberty is the mother of order." They 
believe in the abolition of the State, 
and of all repressive laws which inter- 
fere with the full liberty of the indi- 
vidual to do anything which is intrin- 
sically ethical. The State is defined 
as “the embodiment of the principle of 
invasion in an individual or band of 
individuals, assuming to act as repre- 


w 


Page 74 


77TK CAXADIAN RAILROADER 


sentatives or masters ot *be These 
people within a given area 
Anarchists are not opposed tc » < ng* 

ized protection and resistance to crime 
and aggression but they want full tree 

dom for the individual to do as 
wills provided that he does not n ter 
fere with the equal freedom <>t «thers. 
Thev would have no compulsory taxes, 
no compulsory education, no inter 
ference with individual action in tra 
ing, no regulation ot hours of labour, 
in fact, none of that repressive and in- 
vasive legislation which is non the 
main work of Parliamen s. , ' 

little difference between the 1 hiloso- 
phic Anarchists, and the Spencerian 
Individualists. The single taxers are 
also of the same school, though they 
differ in calling for the impositon ot 
taxes on land. These Anarchists are 
opposed to violence as a means of over- 
throwing the existing State. 1 hey trust 
to education. 

The Anarchist Communists agree 
with the other school in repudiating 
the State. They assume a race of indi- 
viduals who will be moral from habit, 
and who will need neither compulsion 
nor restraint to do the right thing. 
They state that men are to be moralized 
only bv placing them in a position 
which shall continue to develop in them 
those habits which are social, and to 
weaken those which are not so. A 
morality which is instinctive is the. true 
morality.” Prince Kropotkin is an ad- 
herent. This school of anarchists would 
have production in common and free 
consumption of all the products of the 
tribution would be organized and car- 
ried on by groups and federations, the 
free organization ascending from the 
simple to the complex. The deeds of 
violence which have been committed 
by Anarchists have been done by men 
who belong to this school, principally 
in retaliation for repression. 

Stated simply, but possibly not quite 
correctly because of the variations in 
the different schools, Anarchism dif- 
fers from State Socialism in that it re- 
pudiates control by the State, conced- 
ing this to voluntary associations of in- 
dividuals, whereas the State Socialist 
aims at an increasing control by the 
State over the activities of life as they 
become fit for it with the purpose that 


a more equitable distribution be achieved. 

bv be achieved. „ , 

Anarchism is said to be the tat her 
() f Syndicalism; Trade Unionism it* 
mother. This will be dealt with later. 

Manv communistic settlements have 
been established. They have been nu- 
merous in the United States. Particu- 
ars as to these can be found in Morns 
Hillquit’s “History of Socialism in the 

1 m Anarchism, it is said that “when 
at all rational, it resolves the State into 
its component municipalities and small 
groups. The question which carries us 
beyond anarchism is how such groups 
can last and be secure without a cen- 
tral state. They would only be so on 
the assumption of a change in human 
nature of which there is no sign. 

Co-Operation 

Co operation is one of the earliest 
forms of modern practical social move- 
ment in its widest siense. In 1816, Kob- 
ert Owen laid before a Committee of 
the House of Commons his proposals 
for the establishment of Industrial 
communities. lie developed bis ideas as 
a result of his experience of the Indus- 
trial Revolution. He was a successful 
cotton manufacturer, and wa *C . * 
tressed at the poverty and suffering 
caused by the factory system, and at 
the idea that human life should be 
sacrificed to the production of wealth 
II is first efforts were philanthropic. In 
1884, ho wrote to the “Times”: “For 
twenty-nine years, we did without the 
necessity for magistrates of lawyeis. 
without a single legal punishment, 
without any known poor’s rate, with- 
out intemperance, and without reli- 
gious animosities. We reduced the 
hours of labour, well educated all the 
children from infancy, improved the 
condition of the adults, paid interest 
upon capital, and cleared upwards of 
£8()(),(X)0 profit.” 

He was one of the first men to see 
that the troubles of the worker arose 
from the new industrial autocracy, and 
that they could only be remedied by 
the evolution of an industrial demo- 
cracy, and not by a patchwork system 
of philanthropic and ameliorating leg- 
islation. He recommended the establish 
ment of communities on the same sys- 
tem as was suggested by a Frenchman 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 75 


named Fourier, who proposed the or- 
ganization of small communities of 400 
families or 1800 persons living on a 
square league of land. They were to be 
self-suporting and self-sustained. Owen 
established three of these schemes, but 
they failed as have all other Utopian 
schemes that have ignored the warn- 
ings of history, that ‘most progress 
comes by orderly evolution, or as a 
result of the absorption of ideas by a 
majority of individuals. 

The following description by Francis 
Place outlines probably with fair ac- 
curacy, the Owenite propaganda: “The 
non-essential doctrines preached by 
Robert Owen and others respecting 
communities and goods in common ; 
abundance of everything man ought to 
desire, and all for four hours labour out 
of twenty-four; the right of every man 
to his share of the earth in common; 
and his right to whatever his hands had 
been employed upon ; the power of 
masters under the present system to 
give just what wages they pleased; the 
right of the labourer to such wages as 
would maintain him and his in comfort 
for eight or ten hours labour; the right 
of every man who was unemployed to 
employment and to such an amount of 
wages as have been indicated — and 
other matters of a similar kind which 
were continually inculcated by the 
working men's political unions, by 
many small knots of persons, printed 
in small pamphlets and handbills 
which were sold twelve for a penny 
and distributed to a great extent — had 
pushed politics aside — among the work- 
ing people. The consequence was that 
a very large proportion of the working 
people of England and Scotland be- 
came persuaded that they had only to 
combine to compel, not only a consi- 
derable advance of wages all round, 
but employment for every one, man and 
woman, who needed it, at short hours. 

“Under the system proposed by 
Owen,’ ’ says Mr. Sidney Webb, “the 
instruments of production were to be- 
come the property, not of the whole 
fo- community, but of the particular s j t 
>;• of workers who used them. The Trade 
i{ Unions were to be transformed into 
ti : “national companies" to carry on all 
f the manufactures. Each trade was to 
till be carried on by its particular Trade 


Union, centralised in one “Grand 
Lodge.' 1 This is akin to the modern 
Syndicalist ideas. 

Of these proposals, Mr. Sidney Webb 
writes further: “The modern Socialist 
proposal to substitute the officials of 
the municipality or state was unthink- 
able at a period when all local govern- 
ing bodies were notoriously inefficient 
and corrupt, and Parliament practically 
an oligarchy." He continues: “In the 
“Trades Union" as he (Owen) con- 
ceived it, the mere combination of all 
the workmen in a trade as co-operative 
producers no more abolished commer- 
cial competition than a combination of 
all the employers in it as a Joint Stock 
Company. In effect, his Grand Lodges 
would have been simply the head of- 
fices of huge Joint Stock Companies 
owning the entire means of production 
in their industry, and subject to no con- 
trol by the community as a whole. They 
would therefore have been in a posi- 
tion, at any moment, to close their 
ranks, and admit fresh generations of 
workers only as employees at compe- 
titive wages instead of as shareholders, 
thus creating at one stroke, a new ca- 
pitalist class and a new proletariat.... 
Finally there would have come a com- 
petitive struggle between the Joint 
Stock Unions to supplant one another 
in the various departments of indus- 
try. ” 

It is of interest to examine the mod 
ern principles of the co-operative move- 
ment which has been so successful in 
Great Britain. Although started in a 
small way early in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, it was not until the Rochdale Pio- 
neers came into tin* field in 1844, that 
il took shape as a stable and a conti- 
nuously progressive movement. Its 
development was much assisted by the 
propaganda of Robert Owen. The aims 
of the movement are outlined in the 
preface to the “Manual for Co-opera- 
tors,” written by the late Judge 
Hughes. It is stated that the “aim of 
the English Co-operative Union is, like 
that of Continental Socialism, to change 
fundamentally the present social and 
commercial system. Its instrument for 
this purpose, as well as theirs, is asso- 
ciation. Here, however, the likeness 
ends. Our co-operators, thanks to their 
English training, do not ask the State 


w 











Page 76 


to do anything for them, beyond giving 
them a fair field, and standing aside 
while they do their own work in then 
own way. They want no State aid - 
they would be jealous of it if 1 
offered. They do not ask that the btate 
shall assert its right, and reclaim all 
land and other national wealth for the 
benefit of all; they want no other 
man’s property, but only that th y 
shall not be hindered in creating new 
wealth for themselves.” 

It is said that this statement fairly 
represents the attitude of the co- 
operators of a generation ago to ho- 
cialism; but in recent years the co- 
operative movement has undergone a 
considerable change, and most of its 
leaders today see that voluntary co- 
operation can never realize the co- 
operative ideal of ‘‘the elimination of 
competitive industrial system and the 
substitution of mutual co-operation for 
the common good as the basis of all 
human society.” These are the words 
used to describe the ideal of the co- 
operative movement in an official pub- 
lication of the Co-operative Union issued 
in 1904, twenty-three years after the 
issue of the Manual by Judge Hughes. 

“The annual Congresses of the co- 
operative movement it was stated in 
1913, are now concerned largely with 
political matters, and the question of 
the direct representation ol co-opcra- 
tors in Parliament has often been con- 
sidered. The co-operators now see that 
industry has assumed such a form, and 
the unit of private capital has become 
so large, that if the principle of co- 
operation is to be applied to such in- 
dustries, it can only be by means of 
the State of the municipality. In July 
1900, Mr. W. Maxwell, the President of 
the Scottish Wholesale Co-operative So- 
ciety, gave evidence before a Commit- 
tee of the Lords and Commons on Mun- 
icipal Trading. He had been appointed 
to do so by the Parliamentary Commit- 
tee of the Co-operative Union. His evi- 
dence was a powerful plea for the ex- 
tension of municipal trading; and in 
reply to a question as to the effect 
which the extension of municipal trad- 
ing might have on co-operative trading 
he said: “T would like to express my 
opinion (which I believe is the opinion 
of the Parliamentary Committee I rep- 


resent here, and of the leading co- 
operators) that it is only an extension 
of the same principle— of the people 
doing for themselves what other people 
have been doing for them; and if the 
municipality could carry it on better 
than the co-operatives, they would be 
willing to withdraw if it were changed 

to the municipality. ’ 

It is stated that the co-operative 
movement of Great Britain, while be- 
lieving that there is still a vast field of 
opportunity for voluntary co-operation 
is with the Socialists in looking to the 
State and municipality to eliminate 
competition, and to substitute co- 
operation in the great industries ami 
monopoly services. On the Continent 
ot Europe, the Co-operative movement 
and the Socialist movement are practi- 
cally identical. In Belgium, particular- 
ly, where the co-operative movement is 
very strong, there is the closest con- 
nection between the two. J 

Modern industrial principles follow 
generally three main paths. 

First, as already stated, there is the 
Collectivist principle advocating na- 
tionalization and municipalization by 
which the State would become both the 
owner and the controller of the means 



of production. This is also termed the 
Liberal, Labour or Fabian socialist 


policy. 

Then there is the Syndicalist who 
proposes, or at one time proposed, that 
both the ownership and the control of 
the means of production shall be with 
the workers. This theory was dev- 
eloped first in France and is repre- 
sented in the United States by the 1. 
W. W. Tt has not much hold in Eng- 
land. It is an offshoot from anarchism. 

The third proposal is that of the Na- 
tional Guildsmen who advocate that 
the State representing the consumers 
shall own the means of production, but 
that the workers shall control and 
operate these means of production 
through National Guilds representing 
each industry, and a Guild Congress, 
being a Parliament of Guilds. 


Collectivism 

The working out of the first of these 
principles is shown in the official plat- 
form of the British Labour Party, 
which is described in their publication 
entitled “Labour and the New Social 


Hllli 

eon 

tiei 


p# 

pro 

flea 


stru 


inti 

our 


poli 

offi 

rifi' 


rlai 

in? 

itd 

will 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 77 


Order.’ ’ I will quote some extracts 
from this: 

4 ‘It behoves the Labour Party, in for- 
mulating its own programme for Re- 
construction after the war, and in cri- 
ticising the various preparations and 
plans that are being made by the 
present Government, to loook at the 
problem as a whole. We have to make 
clear what it Is that we wish to con- 
struct. It. Is important to emphasize 
the fact that, whatever may be the case 
with regard to other political parties, 
our detailed practical proposals pro- 
ceed from definitely held principles. 

“What we now promulgate as our 
policy, whether for opposition or for 
office, is not merely this or that spe- 
cific reform, but a deliberately thought 
out, systematic, and comprehensive 
plan for that immediate social rebuild- 
ing which any Ministry, whether or not 
it desires to grapple with the problem, 
will be driven to undertake. The Four 
Pillars of the House th§t we propose to 
erect, resting upon the common foun- 
dation of the Democratic control of 
society in all its activities, may be ter- 
med respectively: 

(a) The Universal Enforcement of 
the National Minimum; 

(b) The Democratic Control of In- 
dustry; 

(c) The Revolution in National Fin- 
ance; and 

(d) The Surplus Wealth for the Com- 
mon Good. 

The various detailed proposals of the 
Labour Party, herein briefly summari- 
sed, rest on these four pillars, and can 
best be appreciated in connection with 
them. 

The Universal Enforcement of a 
National Minimum 

The first principle of the Labour 
Party — in significant contrast with 
those of the Capitalist System, whether 
expressed by the Liberal or by the 
Conservative Party — is the securing to 
every member of the community, in 
good times and bad alike (and not only 
to the strong and able, the well-born 
or the fortunate), of all the requisites 
of healthy life and worthy citizenship. 
This is in no sense a “class” proposal. 
Such an amount of social protection of 
the individual, however poor and lowly, 
from birth to death, is, as the econo- 


mist now knows, as indispensable to 
fruitful co-operation as it is to success- 
ful combination ; and it affords the 
only complete safeguard against that 
insidious degradation of the Standard 
of Jjife, which is the worst economic 
and social calamity to which any com- 
munity and every one of us, whether 
hers one of another. No man livetli to 
himself alone. If any, even the hum- 
blest, is made to suffer, the whole com- 
munity and ever yone of us, whether 
or not we recognize the fact, is thereby 
injured. Generation after generation 
this has been the corner-stone of the 
faith of Labour. It will be the guiding 
principle of any Labour Government. 

The Democratic Control of Industry 

What the Labour Party looks to is 
a genuinely scientific reorganization of 
the nation’s industry, no longer de- 
flected by individual profiteering, on 
the basis of the Common Ownership 
of the Means of Production; the in- 
equitable sharing of the proceeds 
among all who participate in any capa- 
city and only among these, and the 
adoption, in particular services and oc- 
cupations, of those systems and meth- 
ods of administration and control that 
may be found, in practice, best to pro- 
mote, not profiteering, but the public 
interest. 

Immediate Nationalisation 

The Labour Party stands not merely 
for the principle of the Common Own- 
ership of the nation’s land, to be ap- 
plied as suitable opportunities occur, 
but also, specifically, for the immediate 
Nationalisation of Railways, Mines and 
the production of Electrical Power. We 
hold that the very foundation of any 
successful reorganization of British 
Industry must necessarily be found in 
the provision of the utmost facilities 
for transport and communication, the 
production of power at the cheapest 
possible rate and the most economical 
supply of both electrical energy and 
coal to every corner of the kingdom. 
Hence the Labour Party stands, un- 
hesitatingly, for the National Owner- 
ship and Administration of the Rail- 
ways and Canals, and their union, 
along with Harbours and Roads, and 
the Posts and Telegraphs — not to say 
also the great lines of steamers which 
could at once be owned, if not imme- 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


diately directly managed in detail, bv 
the Government— in a muted nationa 
service of Communication and 
port ; to be worked, unhampered n 
capitalist, private or purely local in- 
terests (and with a steadily increasing 
participation of the organised workers 
in the management, both central and 
local), exclusively for the common 
good. If any Government should be so 
misguided as to propose, when peace 
comes, to hand the railways back to t lie 
shareholders, or should show itself so 
spendthrift of the nation’s property as 
to give these shareholders any enlarged 
franchise by presenting them with the 
economies of unification or the profits 
of increased railway rates; or so extra- 
vagant as to bestow public funds on 
the re-equipement of privately-owned 
lj nes _ all of which things are now 
being privately intrigued for by the 
railway interests — the Labour Party 
will offer any such project the most 
strenuous opposition. The railways and 
canals, like the roads, must henceforth 
belong to the public, and to the public 
alone. 


The Labour Party demands that the 
production of Electricity on the neces- 
sary gigantic scale shall be made from 
the start (with suitable arrangements 
for municipal co-operation in local dis- 
tribution) a national enterprise, to be 
worked exclusively with the object of 
supplying the whole kingdom with the 
cheapest possible Power, Light and 
Heat. 


The Labour Party demands the im- 
mediate nationalisation of mines, the 
extraction of coal and iron being 
worked as a public service (with a 
steadily increasing participation in tlm 
management, both central and local, of 
the various grades of persons em- 
ployed) ; and the whole business of the 
retail distribution of household coal 
being undertaken, as a local public 
service, by the elected Municipal or 
County Councils. And there is no reason 
why coal should fluctuate in price any 
more than railway fares, or why the 
consumer should be made to pay more 
in winter than in summer, or in 01.0 
town than another. What the Labour 
Party would aim at is, for household d 
coal of standard quality, a fixed and 
uniform price for the whole kingdom, 


payable by rich and poor alike, as un- 
alterable as the penny postage-stamp. 

Control of Capitalist Industry 

The people will be extremely foolish 
if they ever allow their indispensable 
industries to slip back into the unfet- 
tered control of private capitalists, 
who are, actually at the instance of the 
Government itself, rapidly combining, 
trade by trade, into monopolist Trusts, 
which may presently become as ruth- 
less in their extortion as the worst 
American examples. Standing as it does 
for tie Democratic Control of Industry 
the Labour Party, would think twice 
before it sanctioned any abandonment 
of the present profitable centralisation 
of purchase of raw material ; of the 
present carefully organized ‘‘ration- 
ing/' by joint committees of the trades 
concerned, of the several establishments 
with the materials they require; of the 
present elaborate system of “ costing’ ’ 
and public audit of manufacturers’ 
accounts, so as to stop the waste here- 
tofore caused by the mechanical inef- 
ficiency of the more backward firms; 
of the present salutary publicity of 
manufacturing processes and expenses 
thereby ensured; and, on the informa- 
tion thus obtained (in order never 
again to revert to the old-time profit- 
eering) of the present rigid fixing, for 
standardized products, of maximum 
prices at the factory, at the warehouse 
of the wholesale trader, and in the re- 
tail shop. This question of the retail 
prices of household commodities is em- 
phatically the most practical of all 
political issues to the woman elector. 

A Revolution in National Finance 

The Labour Party stands for such a 
system of taxation as will yield all the 
necessary revenue to the Government 
without encroaching on the prescribed 
National Minimum Standard of Life 
of any family whatsoever; without 
hampering production or discouraging 
any useful personal effort, and with 
the nearest possible approximation to 
equality of sacrifice. 

For the raising of the greater part 

the revenue now required the Labour 
Party looks to the direct taxation of 
the incomes above the necessary cost 
of , family maintenance; and for the 
requisite effort to pay off the National 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 79 


ebt, to the direct taxation of private 
fortunes both during life and at death. 

The Surplus for the Common Good 

One main Pillar of the House that 
the Labour Party intends to build is 
the future appropriation of the Surplus, 
not to the enlargement of any indivi- 
dual fortune, but to the Common Good. 
It is from this constantly arising Sur- 
dus (to he secured, on the one hand, 
by Nationalisation and Municipalisa- 
tion and, on the other, by the steeply 
graduated Taxation of Private Income 
and Riches) that will have to be found 
the new capital which the community 
day by day needs for the perpetual im- 
provement and increase of its various 
enterprises, for which we shall decline 
to be dependent on the usury -exacting 
financiers. 

We do not, of course, pretend that 
it is possible, even after the drastic 
clearing away that is now going on. to 
build society anew in a year or two of 
feverish “Reconstruction.’’ What the 
Labour Party intends to satisfy itself 
about is that each brick that it helps to 
lay shall go to erect the structure that 
it intends, and no other. 

The criticism directed against ( ol- 
lectivism is that already mentioned in 
connection with Socialism, namely that 
it will result in the development of a 
bureaucracy with great powers having 
control over production in which the 
officials are not personally interested. 
The present defects of officialdom are 
well-known, and it is argued that a 
complete success for Collectivism 
would require a considerable change of 
heart and a large development of dis- 
interested public spirit in the indivi- 
duals who would direct. 

Much State and Municipal owner- 
ship is already in effect with a fair 
degree of success, but students .looking 
for a considerable amelioration in the 
condition of the worker claim that at 
present he is not materially benefited 
by such State ownership. Of course the 
elimination of the payment of interest 
on State and Municipal securities is 
the ultimate aim. and is to be secured 
by graduated income taxes, and heav.v 
inheritance taxes. 


Syndicalism 

Syndicalism, at least in some of its 
forms, repudiates the State. Originally 
it was based upon philosophic anarch- 
ism. 

It is a little difficult to particularise 
the aims of the Syndicalists, because 
these and the means by which they are 
to be secured have been changed some- 
what from time to time. Originally, 
they called for both ownership and con- 
trol by tin* workers, but in certain 
quarters, some modification has been 
made as will be shown later. Syndical- 
ism which in France originally meant 
“Unionism’’ acquired its present mean- 
ing between 1902 and 1906. The ideas 
attached to Syndicalism are however 
older than this. 

Owing to the weakness of the 1 rade 
Union movement in France, the ban 
upon all forms of Association within 
the State imposed in 1791 was not re- 
moved until 1884 when the right of 
combination was formally granted, and 
much restrictive legislation was 
abolished. Even then, the right of ef- 
fective picketing was not allowed. This 
resulted in much sabotage. 

In 1887, there was formed in Paris 
a Bourse du Travail, or a Chamber of 
Labour, which was the centre of the 
Trade Unions of the district. Similar 
bodies were formed throughout the 
country, and they became federated in 
the Federation of the Bourses du Tra- 

Pelloutier, the Secretary of the Fed- 
eration was inspired by the Anarchist 
Communist idea of tree asociation in 
which the control of industry by free 
groups of workers played an integral 
part. Anarchist Communism had al- 
ways been strong in France .Mr. G. D. 
H. Cole states that “under the guid- 
ance of Pelloutier and others like him, 
the Bourses wholeheartedly accepted 
this tvpe of Communism, only modify- 
ing it by making the local Trade Unions 
the future units of production and the 
Bourses the co-ordinating forces and 
units ‘of social organization. The So- 
ciety to which they looked forward 
was essentially Bakunin's federation of 
free Communes, and the workers were 
to be linked up nationally and interna- 
tionally, not on the basis of their parti- 
cular industry, but solely by a system 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


of local federation, having the free and 
independent Commune as its ouik 
t ion. 

Snowdon says that “syndicalism has 
something in common with other pha- 
ses of the social movement. It proposed 
that the control of production shall be 
exercised by the workers in the various 
industries, that is, the railways shall 
be managed by the railway workers, 
the mines by the miners, the Post (mi- 
ce by the postal servants, and so with 
regard to other industries and services. 
Syndicalists have now repudiated the 
claim that these industries shall be 
owned by the workers in the separate 
industries. The idea seems to be that 
there shall 'be a federation of the groups 
and that the distribution shall be reg- 
ulated in the interests of the whole 
body of producers by a general council 
representing the federated trades. Of 
this the Spectator says, “There is 
nothing whatever criminal in the es- 
sential idea. Apart from its methods, 
Syndicalism means no more than a 
form of co-operation. 


The Times also says: “The root idea 
of Syndicalism — that of trade owner- 
ship and control — is not only unob- 
jectionable but excellent. It was the 
parent of Co-operation, and will event- 
ually be realized in co-partnership. It 
is by far the most rational and feasible 
form of Socialism.' 


Of the methods by which it proposes 
to attain its ends, Mr. Cole writes: 
“Wherever it manifests itself, Syndic- 
alism has two distinct aspects. It is at 
once a policy of direct action in the 
present and a vision of the coming so- 
ciety. Of late years, Syndicalism in 
France has curiously confused two 
points of view, professing to repudiate 
all theory about the future, and to be 
merely a plan of campaign for imme- 
diate use, it has continually affirmed, 
almost in the same breath, its faith in 
a new industrial commonwealth based 
solely on organizations of producers. 

There is some resemblence between 
Trade Unionism and Syndicalism but 
there are also differences. They re- 
semble each other in that each believes 
in the organization of workers in their 
trades, and in a federation; each be- 
lieves in the strike. Trade Unionism 
differs from Syndicalism in that it does 


not repudiate the State, it believes in 
using Parliament, and in reaching eco- 
nomic emancipation by political means. 
Trade Unionism seeks to avoid strikes 
wherever possible, whereas Syndicalism 
relies on the power of the strike as 
the principal and direct means of gain- 
ing its ends. 

Of Syndicalism, Mr. G. I). H. Cole 
writes: “If then, it be regarded as fun- 
damentally anti-political, not merely in 
the sense that it holds the State of to- 
day to be only an instrument in the 
hands of the oppressor, but also in the 
sense that it aims at the entire destruc- 
tion of every vestige of communal ex- 
pression outside the producers' organ- 
izations themselves, Syndicalism is a 
theory of which no serious account need 
be taken. If, on the other hand, it is 
realized that Sydicalism only implies 
the satisfaction of the workers' de-' 
mauds to control their life and work, it 
remains still a vitalising force, capable 
of transforming Socialism into some- 
thing better than a bureaucratic Col- 
lectivism. Out of it must grow a doc- 
trine which will reconcile the concep- 
tion of social solidarity which was fun- 
damental to Communism with the 
development of Trade Unionism on a 
national basis, and at the same time 
preserve its insistence on the need of 
control, by the actual workers in each 
industry, of the processes of production 
and distribution. In short, the idea of 
the National Guilds is for this country, 
the essential parallel to Syndicalism in 
France. The theory of the National 
Guilds is the restatement of local “Syn- 
dicalism in terms of national Trade 
Unionism." 

Guild Socialism 

The National Guildsman proposes 
the association into a single fellowship 
of all those employed in any industry, 
including managers and clerical staff. 
This fellowship will be called^ the 
Guild. In contra-distinction to State 
Socialism or Collectivism which pre- 
dicates control from without, the Guild 
will manage its own affairs. It will 
appoint its own officers from the Mana- 
ger to the office boy, and will deal 
with other Guilds or with the State as 
a self contained unit. It reects State 
control or bureaucracy; on the other 
hand, it rejects Syndicalism, because it 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 81 


grants to the State the posession of the 
means of production and certain pow 
ers of discussion and control when the 
interests of the general public as con- 
sumers are involved. It will, however, 
maintain complete control over its in 
tern;) I affairs of production. 

It would supplant the present capi- 
talist on the one hand; and on the other 
hand, it would assume, instead of the 
State, complete responsibility for the 
material welfare of its members. 

It assumes that the interests of indi- 
viduals are twofold : first as producers 
or workers, and to conserve their inte- 
rests and rewards in this direction, 
they would be members of guilds or 
equivalent professional societies, then 
as consumers, their interests would be 
looked after by national or municipal 
bodies. 

The complete working out of this 
proposal would result in the interests 
of the individual and of the nation 
being controlled by two bodies, - a 
Parliament — having control over law, 
medicine, army, navy, police, foreig i 
relations, education, central and local 
government and administration ; pro- 
tecting the safety of the individual and 
its interests as a consumer which are 
territorial: and a Guild Congress pro- 
tecting his interests as a producer. 
Prices of commodities might be fixed 
for the consumer by a joint council of 
the Guild Congress and Parliament. 

The Guild proposes the elemination 
of the wage system. It would maintain 
its members whether working or idle, 
whether sick or well. It would care for 
the old and the incapacitated. By de- 
mocratic suffrage, it would control its 
own conditions of work, for example 
hours, conditions of sanitation, safety 
and so on. 

There are many points of difficulty 
arising in connection with Guild So- 
cialism with which it is obviously im- 
possible to deal in a brief article. In 
order to appreciate these, the works 
mentioned in the bibliography should 
he studied. 

I would, however, like to memion 
one or two features. It is not claimed 
that an absolute equality of rewards 
would arise, although there would, of 
course, be a general levelling. Mr. 
Orage writes : 4 ‘There will be no in- 


equitable distribution of Guild resour- 
ces, we may be assured; democratical- 
ly controlled organisations seldom err 
on the side of generosity. But expe- 
rience will speedily teach the Guilds 
that they must encourage technical 
skill by freely offering whatever indu- 
cements may at the time most power- 
fully attract competent men. There are 
many ways by which inventive, or- 
ganizing capacity statistical aptitude, 
or what not may be suitably rewarded. 
It is certain that rewarded these qua- 
lities must be”. 

The Guilds would have their )wn 
Banks, with a central National Guild 
Bank for foreign trade. This trade 
would still be conducted on a Gold ba- 
sis, but interanlly, owing to the ele- 
mination of economic rent, interest 
and profit, the exchange medium would 
be an agreed valuation for work done 
whether manual, clerical, technical, 
professional or other. The worker 
could still save, but would get no in- 
terest on his savings. They would re- 
main to his credit at the Guild Bank. 
Different grades of work, both within 
each Guild, and as between the different 
guilds themselves would be appraised 
at different values, depending upon 
the value of the work due to experien- 
ce and training — the result of study and 
application — although there would be 
a greater levelling than prevails at 
present. Call the unit of payment a 
guilder — an engineer might receive 100 
guilders per week — a scavenger 60, a 
miner 90. The Guilder would probably 
be a bill on the Guild Bank passing as 
currency anywhere. 

It is claimed that the reward for 
brains as brains would be greater than 
at present. 

The means by which the aims of the 
National Guildsmen are to be secured, 
call for complete organisation in an in- 
dustry, manual and clerical, technical 
and managerial. The association would 
become a partner in the profits, exer- 
cising an increasing interference in the 
conduct of the business and obtaining 
a greater share in the profits as time 
passed. Elimination of private owner- 
ship would be obtained by progres- 
sively rendering investments non-pro- 
ductive. 


Page 82 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Summary 

Such is a hasty and an 
description of the various industry 
theories. It is difficult to sa\ uheth 
manv of these holding these theories 
expect to attain their aims within a 
short time. They should properly be 
looked upon as ultimate ideals. 

Without passing any judgment upon 
them, let us review them in order to 
see in what direction present political 
or industrial developments are tend- 
in o- 

First let us take State Socialism or 
Collectivism as stated in Labor and 
the New Social Order. Briefly it aims 
at Nationalisation and municipaliza- 
tion, and at securing the ultimate eli- 
mination of private ownership by 
steeplv graduated income and inherit- 
ance taxes. All these principles are in 
operation to-day in different countries 
in different degrees.. Syndicalism, it 
we interpret it as aiming at the sole 
ownership and control of the means o 
production by the workers with a re- 
pudiation of the State need not be con- 
sidered as practical . If it be a diffe- 


rent form of Guild Socialism, it may be 
realised in part. 

Guild Socialism aiming at the. ultim- 
ate control of industry by all those en- 
!, a <r e d in each industry, shows some 
promise of imperfect or partial achieve- 
ment through the Whitley Industrial 
Councils and other similar industrial 
relationship schemes already in oper- 
ation in England. Canada and the 1J. S. 
\ These schemes allow the workers 
through equal representation with the 
employers on .joint industrial councils, 
a joint control of the productive side of 
industry as relating to wages, share in 
the prosperity of the industry, condi- 
tions of work, improvement and so on. 
It may, in time, supplant Collectivism, 
as the principle of joint control b> the 
workers is being put into operation by 
1 1 1 * British Government in many of its 
own Government undertakings, and it 
is also being applied in municipal acti- 
vities. The practical operation of these 
joint industrial councils will be dealt 
with next week in the next chapter on 
Co-operative and profit sharing sche- 
mes and Whitley Industrial Councils. 


We arc ^uableTo" complete the series of articles on R.MMO.struetion in. Uus issue. They will 
be continued in the subsequent weekly issues of the Railroader. EDITOR. 


40 Branches in 
CUBA 
PORTO RICO 
SANTO DOMINGO 
COSTA RICA 
and 

VENEZUELA 


1869 


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THE ROYAL BANK 
OF CANADA 

HEAD OFFICE, MONTREAL 


17 Branches in 
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BR. GUIANA 

and 

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EPSON L. PEASE, Vice-President and Managing Director 

Sir H KKBKRT S. HOLT, President 

C E. NEIL ' General Manager. 


490 Branches in 

CANADA 

and 

NEWFOUNDLAND 

5 5 0 

BRANCHES 


With our chain of Branches throughout Canada, 
Newfoundland, the West Indies, Central and Sout i 
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to extend their business in these countries. 1 rade 
enquiries are solicited. Consult our local Manager 
or write direct to our Foreign Department, Montreal, 
Can. 

CAPITAL PAID UP . . $14,000,000 

RESERVE FUNDS . . $15,500,000 

TOTAL ASSETS OVER $430,000,000 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page 83 



LOCOMOTIVE CASTINGS 


IN STEEL 

Side Frames, (: '' <ws Ties, Driving Boxes, Bolsters, Centre Plates, Wheel Centres 
Foot Plates, Running Board Brackets, Knees, Side Bearings, Etc. 



OF ALL KINDS. 


BUILT-UP OR IX MAXGANE8E-8TEEL 


Frogs, Switches, Crosses, Diamonds and Complete Intersections 


Canadian Steel Foundries, Limited 


TRANSPORTATION BUILDING 


MONTREAL 



T HE name it bears has been a guarantee of purity and goodness for 
half a century. It is not touched by hand in manufacture. 

Swift's Premium Oleomargarine has the better flavor and the ele- 
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widely distributed brand of Oleomargarine. 


It saves you 15 cents or more a pound. 


Swift Canadian Co. 


Toronto 


Limited 

Winnipeg 


Edmonton 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 




Peace with 


all its joys holds none more keen Ilian tha< of getting back to home-life, the old 
job— safe and sound and strong and clean in honest OV EKALLS. 


W ONDERFUL Old Uniform! It has saved the World! But 
how good it will seem when the Boys are back and put it 
away — we hope forever! While it is a joy to us to 
remember that, when the Cause called us, the great Peabody fac- 
tory worked night and day on War-clothing for Canada, England, 
and the States, making more than a million unioforms in all — yet-- 

How good it is to see and hear and feel our machinery busy NOW 
on -plain, honest work-clothes again! 

So, Men of Canada, back to the old job! Back to the overalls, on 
the farm, in the engine-cab, in the machine shop! As the uniform 
means War, so the overall means Peace. 


Doff the Khaki and don the Peabodys. 
Beat the Sword into the Plough Share! 


PEACE ! 



Are Amosf 
Everybodys. 

Are They 
Yours ? 


Walkerville St. John Montreal Toronto Winnipeg Vancouver 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page &5 


P. S. BARDAL, Manager . 

A. S. BARDAL 

Funeral Director 


DEMA. SURGERY 

/ 

The Most Modern Established in Winnipeg 

BEAUTIFUL ROOMS MODERATE CHARGES 


Bardal Block, 839-843-845 Sherbrooke St. 

Phones: Garry 300-375 Residence: Garry 2151 and 2152 


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Bar Iron and Steel all sizes and grades, 

Flats and Squares. Band Iron, Bolts, 

Nuts, Rivets, Cap Screws, Set Screws, 

Boiler Tubes, Shafting, Sheets and Plates, 

Relaying Rails, Angles, Channels, and 
Beams. 

The only complete Wholesale Steel and Iron Stock in Canada 
west of Toronto. If it is Steel or Iron, we have it. 

THE MANITOBA STEEL & IRON COMPANY, Limited 

WINNIPEG, Canada 


A LIFE LONG FRIEND -YOUR WATCH 

A good Watch is more than just a piece of jewellery. It is an intimate personal friend 

it is a business partner. It keeps our business, our trains, all of our many activities on 

schedule time, helps the individual to acquire a reputation for punctuality, and generally 
helps to keep him in step with the Test of mankind. 

A good Watch costs so little nowadays that it is more foolish than false economy to buy 
anything but a good one “Dingwall” Watches are good Watches. 

Beilin Railway Time Inspectors, we know the sort of Watches Railroadmen want and 
must have. We keep the best of them. They are made specially for us by some of the 
finest watchmakers the world over, and are absolutely guaranteed— including the famous 
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A Catalogue showing our full assortment will be sent anywhere on request. 

D. R. DINGWALL LIMITED 

DIAMOND, MERCHANTS. JEWELLERS 4' SILVERSMITHS 
I). W. DINGWALL, Pres. JABEZ MILLEB, Sec. Treas. 

Portage & Main WINNIPEG - Main & Logan 




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Page 86 


THE CAS ADI AN RAILROADER 


JOHN E. MOORE & COMPANY 

LIMITED 

LAPORTE, MARTIN, LIMITED 

Wholesale Grocers 

Telephone: Main 3766 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

584 St. Paul Street West 

MONTREAL 

VASS1E COMPANY 

LIMITED 

FRANK POWELL, Manager. 

THE 

NEWS PULP & PAPER 

COMPANY, Limited 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

i 

Eastern Townships Building, 
MONTREAL, Canada. 

MILLS AT: ST. RAYMOND, CJI'EBEG. 

T. H. ESTABROOKE 

WRAPPING PAPERS OF ALL 
KINDS 

Kraft Wrapping. 

Genuine Vegetable Parchment, 
Imitation Parchment, 

Tissue, Etc., Etc. 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

Murderloh & Co. Limited 

51 Victoria Square, Montreal 

SCHOFIELD PAPER COMPANY 

LIMITED 

S. Hayward Co. 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

» 

30-52 Canterbury Street 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

• . 


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Page S7 


JOHN McCLARY, Pres. W. M. GARTSHORE, Vicc-Pres. J. K. H. POPE, Sec. 

The McClary Manufacturing Company 

LONDON, TORONTO, MONTREAL, WINNIPEG, VANCOUVER, 

ST. JOHN, N. B., HAMILTON, CALCABY. 

Manufacturers of 

STOVES — ENAMELED AN TIN WARE 


TELEPHONE 363 

McCALLUM 6 WILLIS 

COAL ... WOOD 


Office: 657 Richmond Street : : LONDON, Ont. 

GRANT HOLDEN GRAHAM LIMITED 

WHOLESALE MANUFACTURERS 

TENTS, TARPAULINS, FLAGS AND 
CANVAS GOODS 

/ 

Workingmen’s Clothing 
Pants, Shirts, Overalls and Mackinaw Coats 

147 to 151 Albert Street OTTAWA 

British American Oil Co., Limited 

Refiners of PETROLEUM 

TORONTO 

Branches: Montreal, Ottawa, London, Windsor, Etc. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Pag< 

i 

3 88 

Where there's a Wilt -There s the Way 


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We are the largest producers of high-grade Twist 

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to give our customers exceptionally prompt and 

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WILT TWIST DRILL CO., OF CANADA, LIMITED 

WALKERVILLE. Ontario 

London Office: Wilt Twist Drill Agency, 

Moorgate Hall, Finsbury Pavement, London, E.C. 2, England. 


IDEAL FENCE AND SPRING COMPANY 

OF CANADA, LIMITED 

Formerly 

THE MeGREGOR BANWELL FENCE CO., LIMITED, WalkerviUe, Ont. 
THE NATIONAL SPRING & WIRE CO., Windsor, Ont. 

Successors in Western Provinces to 

THE IDEAL FENCE COMPANY, LIMITED, Winnipeg, Man. 
Announce their removal to their new location 

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NOVEMBER FIRST, NINETEEN HUNDRED AND EIGHTEEN 


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TORONTO OFFICE: 1101—2 Traders Bank Building 

WESTERN BRANCH: 248 McDennot Avenue, WINNIPEG, Max. 

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VANCOUVER, B. C., AGENTS: ROB 'T. HAMILTON & CO Engines and Boilers 

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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XVII 




TAG 

CHEWING TOBACCO 






I 


T HAS that satisfying flavor 
combined with a body and straight 
that makes it a favorite to all 
chewers. 


It is known throughout Canada 
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“ Ever-lasting-ly Good” 


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Page X\ HI 


the CANADIAN RAILROADER 




Jo? 


Take Heart 
oj the Home " 


You and she will enjoy housing the new books 
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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XIX 


Matthews-Blackwell, Limited 


Pork and Beef 
::: Packers ::: 


PLANTS AT : 

Toronto, Ont., Montreal, P. Q„ Hull, P. Q,. Peterborough, Ont, 
Brantford, Ont. 

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Sydney, N. S. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 



THU CANADIAN RAILROADER 



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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XXI 


THE RAILROADER AT HOME 

In the railroader’s daily task there is a chance to he of 
service to Canada, to the Empire. 

Do you appreciate that millions of gallons of petroleum oils 
are moving across the country to the prairies for crop-gathering 
machinery, to the industrial centres to fire and oil the wheels of 
production? 

Do you realize that with this great movement of a national 
necessity, there is an acute shortage of tank-cars? Many trail* 
loads are being held back by this shortage. 

Keep the Tank Cars Moving-KeepThemin Repair 

This is a Real National Service. 

Help the Country by Helping the Transporters of Oils. 

IMPERIAL OIL LIMITED 

IMPERIAL OIL BUILDING, TORONTO 
Refineries: 

Sarnia Montreal Dartmouth, N. S. Regina Vancouver 


It was a puzzle to me 


I had a few dollars in the bank and was saving a little all the time, but without any 
definite plan. I looked at my neighbors, some of them men of means and wondered 
what they did with their money, their extra money, I mean. I supposed they invested 
it somehow, but how? That was the question and I was too bashful to ask. 

One day, however, T read of a man who had been paving an instalment of $87.25 a 
month for a year and a half and had actually made $136 in interest on his payments 
during that time, while at the end of the eighteen months he was the possessor of 
15 shares Canadian Pacific Railway Company Stock and in receipt of a dividend 
cheque for $37.50 every three months. 

That was $150 a year, all made by a small Systematic Investment account with J. M. 
Robinson & Sons, Members oft he Montreal Stock Exchange and doing business in 
Montreal, St. John and Fredericton. 

To make a long story short that ended my puzzle — the answer had been found. 
I opened a systematic account with that house and my savings are earning the lull 
dividend return of niv investment. In a few months I shall have paid for and re- 
ceived a certificate for 20 shares of Dominion Iron Preferred and my income there- 
from will be $35.00 every three months, $140 a year. 

You, too, can follow this simple plan. I am sure that .1. M. Robinson & Sons will 
send you their very attractive little booklet explaining the plan if you will drop 
them a line to 11 St. John St., Montreal, or to Market Square, St. John, N.B. 


Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


rnn CANADIAN RAILROADER J| | 


Autographic Kodaks from $8.50 up. 

at your DEALERS 

With an 

Autographic Kodak 

you can write the date and title on the film 
at the time~in other words you can positi- 
vely and permanently identify each picture. 

Autographic photography is up-to-date photography. 

Canadian Kodak Co. Limited 

TORONTO, Canada 

Th<> IMPERIAL GUARANTEE & ACCIDENT INSURANCE CO 1 

Head Office : TORONTO 

Accident and Sickness Insurance 

Especially adapted to Railway Employees. 

CONSULT OUR AGENTS : 

A. GIGNAC, I. MICHAUD, G. NAULDER, GEO. YALLOYS, 

iasfs. TORONTO 

Branch Offices: Montreal, St. John, Winnipeg, Calgary, Vancouver. 

ESTABLISHED 1797 

The Accident Branch: 

Norwich Union Fire Insurance Society, Limited 

12 and 14 Wellington Street East, TORONTO 

Invite enquiries from Railroaders for particulars of their 

Accident and Sickness policies. 

CLAIMS PAID EXCEED $155 ,000 000.00 | 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


i 


l’n SO XX III 


BRADING’S 

ALE, STOUT and LAGER 

Brewed to meet provisions of Ontario Temperance Act 

The BRADING BREWERIES, Limited OTTAWA, Ont. 


The Sheet Metal Products Co. 

OF CANADA, LIMITED 

MONTREAL TORONTO WINNIPEG 


KINDEL BED CO. Limited 

NEW YORK GRAND RAPIDS STRATFORD 

Manufacturers of KROEHLER BED DAVENPORTS, COUCHES 
Stratford, Ontario 


The “KODAV” The Nationally Advertised Folding Bed 

THE 

Pans Wincey Mills Company Lm,^ 

Manufacturers of 

ALL-WOOL and UNION FLANNELS 
TWEEDS, SERGES, Etc. 

PARIS, Ontario CANADA 


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umvox'livu NVJOVNVO SEl 






I 





INTERIOR VIEW OF GENERATING STATION, 

ONTARIO POWER COMPANY of NIAGARA FALLS 

Niagara Falla, Ontario, which is operated by the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario, Toronto. 




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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XXV 


AFTFR A lONf PUN There * s nothing as bracing as 
ArlEli l\ LUllU A U 11 a bowl of beaming hot soup 

BE SURE IT IS 

Dominion Brand Concentrated Vegetable Tomato Soup 

The kind that is freely sold in the best grocery stores in Canada at popular 
prices, made from the freshest of vegetables grown and packed in the Lynn 
Valley, Simcoe, Canada, at Factory Xo. 17, one of the many factories con- 
trolled by the 

DOMINION CANNERS LIMITED :: Head Offices : Hamilton, Canada 


When in need of 


B rooms 

rushes Grocers’ Sundries 
askets 

TWINES anZ CORDAGE 

WALTER WOODS & CO., Hamilton and Winnipeg 


THE 

VULCAN IRON WORKS 

LIMITED 

WINNIPEG, Man. 


CAPITAL BREW^l 

Contains the healthgiving qualities of MALT and HOPS 


Pure and Wholesome 
Lager, Ale and Porter 


THE CAPITAL BREWING CO. Limited - - OTTAWA 


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Page XXVI 


THE CASA DIAS RAILROADER 



Dominion Wheel 


and Foundries 


Limited 

^ The Thrift Car 

Manufacturers of 


CHILLED CAST IRON WHEELS 


AND CASTINGS 


“ Em pire Special ” 


Wheel for Electric and 

WILLYS OVERLAND LIMITED 

Heavy Duty Service :: 

:: Willys Knight ami Overland Motor Cars : 

WEST TORONTO - - Ontario 

TORONTO, - Ont. 

Montreal, Que , Winnipeg, Man., Regina, Sask 

THE 

MUNN & SHEA 

OTTO HIGEL 

Engineers and Contractors 

COMPANY, LIMITED 

FIREPROOF 

CONSTRUCTION 

Manufacturers of 


Pneumatic Player Actions 

Grand and Upright Piano Actions 

6 Cuthbert St. - - Montreal 

Keys and Hammers 

Electric Repairs 

Organ Keys, 

Reeds and Reed Boards 


Solodant Music Rolls 

Fred. Thomson Co. Limited 

Manufacturing and (Contracting 
Electrical Engineers 


Office ami Factory : 


Cor. King and Bathurst Streets 

TORONTO, Canada 

7-13 St. Genevieve Street 

MONTREAL, Can. 


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THE ('AN AD l AH RAILROADER 


Page XXVI r 


| 1 

I Starrett’s 

-Machine- 

Tools 

have long been ack- 
nowledged the highest 
standard of Accuracy, 

Quality, Design and 
Finish. 

Our line of Starrett 
Tools is very large 
and complete. 

W. H. Thorne & Co., Ltd. 

Hardware Merchants 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

J 


Maritime Nail 

Company Limited 

:: Manufacturers of :: 

“Monarch” Brand 
Wire Products 

Cable Address: “MARX AIL”, St. John. 
A. B. 0. 5th Kditon Code. 

Western Union Code. 

ST. JOHN. - N. B. 


Nashwaak Pulp and 
Paper Company Limited 


:: Manufacturers of :: 

BLEACHED 
SULPHITE 
PULP and 
LUMBER 


ST. JOHN, N. B. 

Standard Underground 
Cable Company of Canada 

LIMITED 


General Offices and Factories: 

HAMILTON, Ontario. 


Branch Offices: 

Hamilton, Ont. 

Montreal, Que. 

Winnipeg, Man. 

Seattle, Wash. 


please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page XXVIII 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


“WORLD” LOCOMOTIVE 
FITTINGS 


Pop Safety Valves 

Muffled or Plain 



MUFFLED 


Every Part and 
Piece Is 

Interchangeable 
and all made 
to gauge. 
None genuine 
without the 
‘WORLD” 
trade-mark 
cast on body. 


“World” Pop Safety Valves are 
fitted with our special Adjustment 
Ring, which enables the valve to be 
instantly adjusted, and never 
sticks. These Valves are the stand- 
ard for locomotives everywhere. 


High Pressure Whistles 

Chime or Plain 



CHIME 


1 ‘ World ’ 9 Chime Whistles have 
a rich, full tone of strong car- 
rying power, and are perfect- 
ly tuned, with Patent Bal- 
anced Valve. Few parts and 
nothing to stick or get out of 
order. 


T. McAVITY & SONS, Limited ,nf0 » r 5S T d 

Wholesale and Retail Hardware, Brass and Iron Founders 

ST. JOHN, N. B., CANADA 

MONTREAL TORONTO WINNIPEG VANCOUVER 

T. McA. Steward, ,S7S tf" ”“> ,ree ' Harvard Turnbull & Co., 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XXIX 


Manchester Robertson Allison 

■ LIMITED 

DIRECT IMPORTERS AND DEALERS IN 
Dry Goods, Millinery, Furs, Ready to Wear Garments for Men and Women. 
Leather Goods, House Furnishings. Carpets and Furniture. 

King Street — Germain Street and Market Square, 
SAINT JOHN, N. B. 


MURRAY & GREGORY, LIMITED 

ST. JOHN. N.B. 


Manufacturers of 

EVERYTHING IN WOOD and GLASS FOR BUILDINGS 
PULPWOOD, RAILWAY TIES, Etc. 

Distributors : RUBEROID” ROOFING BEAVER BOARDS 


Saw Mills : SAINT JOHN, N. 

B., LAKE FRONTIERE, Que 

UNION 

WILSON BOX 

CARBIDE GO. 

COMPANY, LIMITED 

ST. JOHN. N. B. 

OF CANADA 


LIMITED 

1 

Manufacturers of 

WOODEN BOXES 

“IMPERIAL” 

and Box Shooks 

CARBIDE 

Dominion Bank Building 

1 J 

TORONTO, Ont. 

MILLS AT 

Bonny River, N.B. Fairville, N.B. 

Works: WELLAND, Ont. 

Cambridge, N.B. Westfield, N.B. 


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Page XXX 


THE CAS AVI AX RAILROADER 


Port Arthur Shipbuildin g Gompany Limited 

PORT ARTHUR, Ontario. Canada 


OUR DELIVERIES IN 1918 WERE : 

Six Ocean Freighters of :U00 I).W. Tons to order of Imperial Monitions Board. 
Seven Trawlers of 295 gross Tons to Department Naval Service. 

One Ocean Tug 240 gross Tons to private owners. 

These were built complete in our PlaiP. including ENGINES AND BOILERS. 


We employ over 000 men in our shipyard and over 600 men 
The work embraces almost every trade. 


in our shops. 


Modern up-to-date plant, fully equipped for repair work. 

Dry Dock 700’x98’xl6’ 

Offices and Plant : - PORT ARTHUR, Ontario 


Licensed Good Prices ! Prompt Returns ! Bonded 

LIBERAL ADVANCES ON BILLS OF LADING 

We solicit your Commission business 

WE TRADE IN SAMPLE AND GRADED GRAIN 

AND ASK YOU TO GIVE US A TRIAL 
Wc will check up Grading anil Weights, and Advise you Promptly. 


N.M. PATERSON & COMPANY. LIMITED 

609-611 Grain Exchange <iKAIN ggggggg WINNIPEG, Man. 


JAMES MURPHY 

COAL MERCHANT 

FORT WILLIAM, Ontario 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 



Page XXXI 


CANADA I'OOD BOARD 11 265 


“GANONG’S” HARD CENTRES and NUTS 

“The Finest in the Land” 

GANONG BROS., LIMITED ::: ST. STEPHEN, N.B. 


ASK FOR 

McCORMICK’S 

HIGH CLASS 

Biscuits and Candy 

MADE IN THE SNOW-WHITE SUNSHINE FACTORY 

PALMERS’ MOOSE HEAD BRAND 

Summer and Winter Footwear, Sporting and Trench Boots 

The Wonderful Satisfaction our Trench Boots are giving in the strenuous 
condition of War, in the Trenches of France and Belgium, bears 
strong testimony to the quality of our product. 

FREE CATALOGUES ON REQUEST 

JOHN PALMER CO., Limited :: FREDERICTON, N.B. 


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Ta^e XXXII 


THE C Ay ADI AS RAILROADER 


Neolin 



Tleolin 


Full Sole 

And 

Half* Sole 


SOLES 


\ 



for 


WORK-BOOTS 


q Work-boots receive the hardest sort 
of wear. 

q To get extra wear and value they 
mu& be properly soled. 

q NEOLIN SOLES are made to wear 
longer and allow shoe satisfaction. 

q They are flexible, giving comfort, 
besides, they are waterproof and have a 
gripping surface that lessens slipping. 

q Think, then, of the wear and comfort 
giving qualities of NEOLIN SOLES. 

q Be sure that you receive NEOLIN 
SOLES on your next pair of work- 
boots. 

q When you go to a shoe repairman 
specify NEOLIN full or half SOLES. 


GOODYEAR TIRE & RUBBER COMPANY 


OF CANADA LIMITED 



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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XXX r II 


LAURENTIDE 

COMPANY 

= LIMITED = 



MANUFACTURERS OF 


NEWSPRINT PAPER 
.... CARDBOARD .... 
SULPHITE PULP 

GROUNDWOOD PULP 



GRAND’MERE, Que. 


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Page XXXIV 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


TETRAULT SHOE Mfg. Co. 

limited 

The Largest Manufacturers oj 

MEN’S SHOES 

in Canada 
BAR NONE 

BRANCH IN PARIS, FRANCE: 

9 Rue de Marseilles 


COUVRETTE SAURIOL 


Wholesale Grocers 


Telephone: Exchange Brnach Mail 3322 

115-117 Commissioners St., E. 
114-116 St. Paul Street East 

MONTREAL 


NORTHEASTERN 
LUNCH CO. 

LIMITED 

MONTREAL 


THE 

Wm. Rutherford & Sons Company 

LIMITED 

Lumber Merchants 

Doors, Windows and Wood 
Specialties 

SASH AND DOOR FACTORY 
Corner Atwater Ave. & Notre Dame St. W. 

MONTREAL, Que. 


“It Pays to Shop’ 

— at 


THE 

Mclennan lumber co 


LIMITED 


UE MAGASIN DU PEUPLE 


THE PEOPLE’S STORE 

447 St. Catherine Street East 

MONTREAL 

Telephone: East 8000 


EVERYTHING IN 
LUMBER 

21 Dorchester St. W., Montreal 


H. P. ECKARDT & COMPANY 


EMBALMERS 


Wholesale 

Grocers 



Church Street and Esplanade 

TORONTO 

Telephone: Main 4128 


FTNERAIi DIRECTORS 

912 St. Catherine Street West 
MONTREAL, Que. 

Telephone: Uptown 1653 


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1 HE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XXXV 



This Label 
is your 
Guarantee of 
Satisfaction 


quality 


^PRODUCTS. 


LOOK 

for the 

OVAL LABEL 


ARMOUR and company 


HAMILTON, TORONTO, MONTREAL, SYDNEY, N. S. 


TheOTTAWA SANITARY LAUNDRY GO. 


LIMITED 


Pullman Service in LAUNDRY and 


DRY CLEANING 


Office and Works : - - - - 255 Argyle Avenue 


Phone: Carling 3100 


Selling Agents for FRASER & CO., Lumber Manufacturers. 

Fraser, Bryson Lumber Co., Limited 

WHOLESALE LUMBER DEALERS 

Castle Building, 53 Queen Street, OTTAWA, Can. 


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l'age XXXVI 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Poison 
Iron Works 


limited 


STEEL SHIPBUILDERS, ENGINEERS 


and BOILERMAKERS 


Canada 


Toronto 


• •• 
• •• 


THE ORIGINAL LIVE RUBBER HEEL 


D UNLOP “1’eerless” Heels are known far and wide. The solid 
fabric ping is set just right to prevent uneven wearing. 
Special design of heel ensures against slipping. “Peerless 
grips the pavement in similar fashion to a vacuum cleaner on a 
window. Made in all sizes and colors— Black, White and Tan. 
AVc also make Acme — The Sole of Perfection — better than leather. 


DUNLOP TIRE & RUBBER GOODS 


Company, Limited 


Head Olfice and Factories : : : TORONTO 



Branches in the leading Cities 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XXXVII 


CANADIAN GENERAL ELECTRIC CO. 

— LIMITED — 

CANADIAN ALLIS-CHALMERS LIMITED 



Head Office: TORONTO 


Sales Offices : 

The general Sales Offices are located in the Head Office 
Building, corner King and Simcoe Streets, Toronto, and 
District Sales Offices with competent staff of Sales En- 
gineers are maintained at the following places: — 


MONTREAL, Que. COBALT, Ont. 
HALIFAX, N.S. South Porcupine, Ont. 
OTTAWA, Ont. HAMILTON, Ont. 

LONDON, Ont. TORONTO, Ont. 


WINNIPEG, Man. 
CALGARY, Alta. 
NELSON, B. C. 
VANCOUVER, B. C. 


Manufacturing plants : 


TORONTO, Ont. BRIDGEBURG, Ont. STRATFORD, Ont. 
PETERBORO, Ont. MONTREAL, Que. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


'age AAAvni 

Canadian Bronze, Limited 

Journal Bearings, Brass and Bronze 
Castings, Babbits 

Works - MONTREAL, P. Q- 

Telephone: La Salle 1760-1-2 

The famous Folding 

Bed 

KROEHLER KODAV 

KINDEL BED COMPANY 

LIMITED 

STRATFORD 

MILTON HERSEY CO. 

LIMITED 

Testing and inspection of Railroad 
Supplies a specialty. 

Chemical and Testing 
Laboratories 

MONTREAL, WINNIPEG 

GOVERNMENT STANDARD 

Regal. The flour that can’t be beat, 

Each day adds to its fame; 

Graded with care of hard fine wheat, 

A product worth its name. 

Light fluffy pastry, just the kind 

For epicures, a treat; 

Leaving a 'memory behind 

Of something good to eat; 

Undoubtedly the "Queen of Flours’’ 
Remember this, BUY SOME OF OURS. 

THE 

St. Lawrence Flour Mills Co. Limited 

MONTREAL, Que. 

HAROLD D. KEAST 

Official C.P.R., N.Y.C., Delaware & Hudson 
time inspector for all Montreal. 

Standard Watches on easy payments. 

CERTIFIED OPTICIAN 

110 Windsor St., MONTREAL 

Telephone: Main 4889 

The Benallack Lithographing & 
Printing Company, Limited 

Proprietors of 

The Bishop Engraving & Printing Co. 
80-82 Victoria Square — 8-10-12 Latour St. 

MONTREAL 

t Telephone : Main 3396 — 3397 

Emerson Fisher 

LIMITED 

HARDWARE 

ST. JOHN, N. B. 

THE WHYTE PACKING CO. 
LIMITED 

Pork and Beef Packers 

Exporters of 

Hog Products, Eggs, Cheese, Butter, Etc. 

33-35-37 William St., Montreal 

Packing House, STRATFORD, Out. 


Plenw mention The Canadian Railroader 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page IX L 


DALY COMPANY LIMITED 

Connaught, Place, OTTAWA 
OTTAWA’S LARGEST DEPARTMENTAL STORE 

An Ideal Shopping Place 

A Store Where The “Customer Is Always Right” 

*• © 

Carrying Goods Of Standard Quality 
At Very Moderate Prices 

Everything In Wearing Apparel for Men 
Everything In Wearing Apparel for Women 
Everything in Wearing Apparel For Children. 

Everything In Home Furnishings 

That’s 

| ^ K ¥ 9 C Ottawa’s Largest 

1 VLu A O Departmental Store 

LUNCH IN DALY’S TEA ROOMS 


OTTAWA CAR MANUFACTURING CO., LIMITED 

DESIGNERS AND BUILDERS OF 

Street aikl Interurban Electric Railway Cars, Snow Sweepers and Plows. 

Also Transport and other Vehicles, such as special Wagons, Drays, 

Delivery Rigs, Motor Bodies, Street Sprinklers, Tank Wagons, Hose and 
Ladder Trucks, Baggage Trucks and Sleighs; also Producers of Man- 
ganese and Brass Castings of every description. 

Acquaint us with your requirements , as specifications, drawings and 
estimates are gladly given at any time . 

OFFICE AND WORKS 

KENT AND SLATER STREETS - - OTTAWA, Canada. 

THE 

Slingsby Manufacturing Co., Limited 

BRANTFORD, Canada 

WOOLEN MANUFACTURERS 



White and Grey Blankets, Costume Cloths, Kerseys, Mackinaws, Etc. 

WRITE FOR PARTICULARS 

Special Lines of GREY BLANKETS for Construction and Mining Use. 


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Page XL 


THE CAN AVIAN RAILROADER 


MASTER HECW 

1^1 s %. Vmod Made 

■ Ifal OVERALLS 


Satisfaction 

Guaranteed 



Class Workmen 
Need High Grade Garments 

You can't beat MASTER MECHANIC 
Overalls for economy, comfort and con- 
venience. 

Made from the highest quality materials 
by most skillful labor. 

MADE IN WINNIPEG 

There is a positive guarantee in the hip pocket 
of every garment. 

Made Large— but Made to Fit ! 

V«* *♦*♦*♦*♦*♦* 


IN HAMILTON 


The Thomas C. Watkins, Limited, 
Department Store 
is known as 

THE 

RIGHT HOUSE 


/ and seventy-five 

years has been 

“Hamilton’s Favorite Shopping Place” 

Established 1843 


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♦ ))))>)♦ 



THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XLI 


J.R. BOOTH 


Lumber 
Manufacturer 

Timber, Laths and 
Shingles 





PAPER 

Pulp and Cardboard 


OTTAWA, Can., and BURLINGTON, Vt. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


O’REILLY & BELANGER 

LIMITED 

COAL 

of all kinds 

Wholesale anil Retail 

OFFICE : 

22 Sparks Street, Russell Block 

Phones: Queen 860 & 861 

OTTAWA 

THE C. C. RAY COMPANY 

LIMITED 

COAL 

46 Sparks Street, OTTAWA 

Phones: Queen 461 and 236 

MILLING AND MINING 
MACHINERY 

Shafting, Pulleys, Gearing, Hangers, 
Boilers, Engines, and Steam Pumps, 
Chilled Car Wheels and Car Castings, 
Brass and Iron Castings of every de- 
scription, Light and Heavy Forgings. 

ALEX. FLECK, LIMITED 

OTTAWA, Ont. 

SPECIALTIES 

FOR 

RAILWAYS 

AND MECHANICAL 
EQUIPMENTS 

EQUIPMENT - SPECIALTIES 

LIMITED 

MONTREAL — TORONTO 

Canada 

ESTABLISHED 1840 

JOS. C. WRAY & BRO. 

Undertakers 

ONE OFFICE ONLY 

290 MOUNTAIN STREET 

MONTREAL 

AMBULANCE HEADQUARTERS 

IRON, STEEL & METALS 

From stock or for import. 

A. C. LESLIE & Company 

LIMITED 

560 St. Paul Street West 

MONTREAL 

The Ottawa Truss & Surgical Co. 

LIMITED 

PERRIN FRERES & CIE 

TRUSSES, SUPPORTERS, ELASTIC 

' PERRIN’S GLOVES 

STOCKINGS. 

KAYSER SILK GLOVES 

RADIUM HOSIERY 

316 to 320 Wellington Street 

Sommer Building, 

OTTAWA, Canada 

37 Mayor Street, MONTREAL 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XLIII 


Kitchen’s 

“Railroad Signal” 

Overalls 

have a reputation 

for appearance, size, workmanship 
and durability. 


Every Pair Guaranteed 

TO GIVE SATISFACTION 


Ask your dealer for KITCHEN’S “ RAILROAD SIGNAL ” 
BRAND and you will have “THE RIGHT OF 
WAY TO COMFORT” 

■ MANUFACTURED ONLY BY ======= 

THE KITCHEN OVERALL AND SHIRT COMPANY, LIMITED 

1 

BRANTFORD, Canada 


BANK OF HAMILTON 

Head Office: HAMILTON 

Capital Paid Up: $3,000,000.00 Surplus: $3,500,000.00 

BOARD OF DIRECTORS 
SIR JOHN HENDRIE, K.C.M.G., President 
CYRUS A. BIRGE, Vice-President 
C. C. Dalton, Robt. Hobson, W. E. Phin, I. Pitblado, K.C. 

J. Turnbull, W. A. Wood. 

SAVINGS DEPARTMENT AT ALL OFFICES 

Deposits of .+1 and upwards received. 

Correspondence Solicited. J- P- BELL, General Manager. 



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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 



WHAT’S IN ANAME? 


Just tills -- Every time you see the name WATEROUS 
on a Boiler, Engine, Saw Carriage, Bandmill, 
Road Roller or Fire Engine you can be reasonably certain that 
you are looking at a machine that represents the best in its line. 

WE ADVERTISE our name because our machinery has made good and 
because the name WATEROUS has become a guarantee of worth to users of 
all kinds of machinery throughout Canada. 


Downright Good Service. 


They are neat fitting and well tailored 
too. They hang right; they feel right. 


All seams are double stitched ; all buttons 
are riveted, while the points where the straiu 
is hardest aire reinforced to prevent tearing 
or ripping. You’ll like the angular rule 
pocket and the swinging tool pocket, both 
of which are common-sense aids to comfort. 
You’ll be surprised too at the way your 
Carhartt ’s will wear and wear and wear. 
You’ll say when the time comes to discard 
them — and you may depend upon it that 
won’t be for a good while — 1 1 Well those, 
Carhartts certainly don’t owe me anything”. 
Ask your dealer ‘for Carhartt overalls, all- 
overs and gloves by name. They are readily 
identified by the car-heart button and re- 
member my overalls have stood the test of 
twenty-five years. They are made up to a 
standard not down to a price. 

I also make Allovers for Men, 
Women and Children 


TORONTO. MONTREAL, WINNIPEG, VANCOUVER. 


My Carhartt Overalls Are 
Designed for the Railroad 
Man Who Is Looking for 


Hamilton Carhartt Overalls 

HAMILTON CARHARTT 


— Allovers — Work Gloves 

COTTON MILLS LIMITED 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XLV 


BELGO- CANADIAN 
PULP & PAPER COMPANY 

Limited 


NEWSPAPER, GR0UNDW00D 

and Sulphite Pulp LUMBER 


Mills at : 

SHAW1N1GAN FALLS :: :: :: QUEBEC 

ST. MAURICE PAPER CO. 

Limited 

Manufacturers of 

GROUNDWOOD 
... SULPHITE ... 

Kraft & Newsprint 


Mills at : 

CAPE MADELEINE :: :: :: QUEBEC 


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Page XL VI 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


The Nichols Chemical Co. 

LIMITED 

the increasing demand for 

GRIP NUTS 

Manufacturers of 

HEAVY CHEMICALS 

222 St. James St., Montreal 

SAFER RAILROADING 

CHEAPER MAINTENANCE 

Canada Grip Nut Co., Limited 

MADE IN CANADA 

McGill Building, MONTREAL 

Howard Smith Paper Mills Limited 

MONTREAL, Que. 

Makers in Canada of 

HIGH GRADE 

PAPERS 

Mills at Beauharnois and Crabtree Mills. 

a 

Gillies Guy 

LIMITED 

COAL 

HAMILTON, Ont. 

Phone 1481 

Canada Nail & Wire Co. 

LIMITED 

Manufacturers of the new 

PEERLESS HORSE N A ILS 

acknowledged to be the world’s best. 

WEST ST. JOHN, N. B. 

ROBERT W. HUNT, President. 

C. WARNOCK, Gen. Manager # Treasurer. 
THOMAS C. IRVING, Jr., Vice-President. 

JAMES W. MOFFAT, Secretary. 

ROBERT W. HUNT & CO. 

LIMITED 

Inspecting and Consulting Engineers 
Chemists and Metallurgists 

Expert examination and teste of all steel 
and metal products. 

Reports on Properties and< Processes 

Resident inspectors at all important manu- 
facturing centres in Canada, the United 
States and Great Britain. 

McGill Building, MONTREAL 

Branches : 

TORONTO, VANCOUVER, LONDON, Eng. 

Swedish Steel & Importing Co. 

(LIMITED) 

Fine Tool 

and Alloyed Steels 

\ 

Canadian Express Building, 

MONTREAL 

General Office and Warehouse, Montreal. 

ELMHURST 

DAIRY 

MONTREAL 


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Please mention The Canadian Railroader 


Page XLVII 


INTERLAKE 
TISSUE MILLS 

LIMITED 

Manufacturers of a full line of 
White and Colored M. G. Tis- 
sues, Brown and Colored Light 
Weight M. G. Kraft, White and 
Colored Sulphite Wrap, all 
grades of Fruit Wraps, Dry 
Proof Paper. A full line of Toi- 
let Paper, Paper Towels, Pa- 
per Napkins, Decorative Crepe 
Rolls, Lunch and Outing Sets. 

:o: 

Head Office : 

331 Telephone Bldg., TORONTO 

Mills at Merrittan. 




TI1E 

Hamilton Bridge Works 

Company, Limited 

HAMILTON, Canada 

Engineers, Manufacturers 
Contractors 


STEEL BRIDGES 

For Steam Railways, Electric 
Railways, Highways, Etc. 

STEEL BUILDINGS 

For Factories, Offices, Warehou- 
ses, Power Stations, Mill 
Buildings, or any other 
purposes. 


PROVINCIAL 
PAPER MILLS Co. 

LIMITED 

Lumber 

Manufacturers 


Mills at 

THOROLD, GEORGETOWN and 
MILLE ROCHES, ONT. 

Head Office : 

Bell Telephone Bldg. TORONTO 


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TIM CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page XLVIII 


With Compliments of 






THE 


Harris Abattoir Co. 

Limited 


TORONTO 


Y ears of Peace have returned 

The GREAT PROBLEM of CAPITAL and LABOR 
is being solved 

CAPITAL which supplies WORK now gives a better 
share of its Profits to LABOR. 

Shall not the great problem of POVERTY be solved also. 
Certain! v for you who take the firm resolution 

TO SAVE 

Come to-day and, open an account with 

The Montreal City & District Savings Bank 


You are cordially invited and welcomed at all times. 

We afford you the greatest security. 

A. P. LESPERANCE, 

General Manager. 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Pago II 


W. C. EDWARDS & CO. 


LIMITED 


Lumber Manufacturers 


OTTAWA, Out. ROCKLAND, Ont. 



LOCKERS 

Promote the Comfort and 
Health of Employees 


A LL employees appreciate the privacy, 
comfort, security and positive clean- 
liness of forded by DENNISTEEL Lockers. 

In these days of welfare work aimed at 
bettering the lot of workers, that apprecia- 
tion is well worth gaining, but — 

DENNISTEEL Lockers will save valuable 
time in putting clothes away and getting 
things out ready for work. 

Write for Illustrated Folders 

The Dennis Wire and Iron 
Works Co. Limited 

LONDON 

CANADA 


At Your Service 

let us quote on your contract work 

Our Staff is always available for Consultation. 

Patterns, Castings, Forgings and Machine Work of all kinds 

Victoria Foundry Go. Limited 


OTTAWA 


CANADA 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page L 


WABASSO COTONS 

GOOD AS GOLD - WHITK AS SNOW 

Sold by all Wholesalers and featured by 
retailers all over Cfiuada. Used by 
most Manufacturers. 

Lawns, Nainsooks, Cambrics, Long- 
cloths, Sheetings, Sheets, Pillow 
Cottons, Slips. 

PIQUES, KEPPS, TWILLS, VOILES, 
COUTILS ANI) JEANS 

Made by 

THE WABASSO COTTON 

Company 

limited. three rivers, Que. 

SALES OFFICES: 

MONTREAL: 703 Bank of Toronto Bldg. 
TORONTO: 106 Bay Street. 

WINNIPEG: 91 Albert Street. 


Wayagamack Pulp & 
Paper Co., Limited 

11 

KRAFT PAPER 

and ===== 

Sulphate PULP 

II 

THREE RIVERS, P. Q. Canada 


NATIONAL GLOVES 

NONE BETTER 

Made in Canada 

NATIONAL GLOVES LIMITED 

THREE RIVERS, Que. 


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TUli CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page LI 


MASSEY -HARRIS CO. 

- LIMITED - 

MANUFACTURERS OF 

High-Grade Farm Implements 


Head Offices : - - TORONTO 

AGENCIES EVERYWHERE 


THE 

CANADIAN BRIDGE COMPANY 

LIMITED 

WALKER VILLE, Out. 


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f 


Page LII 


I'fiji CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Sum Steel amd Wire Company, Limited 


manufacturers of 

Galvanized and Bright Wire. Hay Wire and BaleTies Woven Wire 
Farm and Ornamental Fences. Galvanized Gates 


Manufacturers’ Wire Supplies 


Hamilton, 

CANADA 


We can supply Vi inch and smaller material 
straightened and cut to length, suitable for 

BOLTS, ROLLER BEARINGS 
or REINFORCING 


Fine Furs 


Suits , Coats , 
Blouses , Hose , Frocks , 
/ Gloves , 

Millinery , Lingerie, 


i 


Etc. 


Ho ft, fynpew r & Co. 


Juniicol 


405 St. Catherine Street West 
Montreal. 


Dominion Floral Co. 

THREE STORES 


Will give You 


B 


EST VALUE 
EST FLOWERS 
EST SERVICE 


484 St. Catherine Street West 


Phone: Uptown 4907 


294 St. Catherine Street East 


Phone: East 277 


NORTH END BRANCH : 

1886 Park Avenue 

Phone: Eockland 2821 


w 


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THE Canadian railroader 


Railroaders ! 

For Your First Spring Fishing 
Trip or Your Summer Camp 
or Your Fall Hunt-Make Sure 
Your Field Equipment Is Right 

A Woods’ Tent and an Arctic 
Sleeping Robe Means Protec- 

tion and Comfort. 

* 

Catalogues and Booklets on 
Equipment for the asking. 


WOODS 

MANUFACTURING COMPANY 

Department D. OTTAWA 


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THE CANADIAN 


RAILROADER 



MONTREAL, P.Q. 

ENGINEERS, MANUFACTURERS AND ERECTORS 
OF 


STRUCTURAL STEEL 

FOR 

BUILDINGS and BRIDGES 

MARINE BOILERS AND ENGINES, TANK AND 
PLATE WORK OF EVERY DESCRIPTION. 

ELECTRIC AND HAND POWER 
TRAVELLING. 

Cranes 

Shipbuilding Cranes 

Coal and Ore Handling Machinery, Transmission 
Poles and Towers, Lift Locks and 
Hydraulic Regulating Gates. 

Head Office and Works : - LACHINE, Que. 

Cable Address: “DOMINION* ? 

Branch Office and Works: OTTAWA, TORONTO, WINNIPEG 

SALES OFFICES: 

Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Winnipeg, Edmonton, Regina, Vancouver 


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THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


Page LV 


CRAIN PRINTERS 

Limited 

ROLLA L. CRAIN, President 

RAHWAY P RINTERS 

We Specialize in the Production of Large Quantities of 

Standard Forms 

OTTAWA, Canada 



WOODS 

MANUFACTURING CO. LIMITED 


Jute and Cotton Bags, 
Paddings, Twines, etc. 

— — Hessians — 

Lumberman s and Contractors' Supplies 

Tents and Awnings 


MONTREAL, TORONTO, OTTAWA, WINNIPEG, WELLAND 


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Pago LVT 


THE CANADIAN RAILROADER 


EASIFIRST 

SHORTENING 

For all Frying and Cooking Purposes 

Makes Delicious Pies, Cakes 
and Fancy Pastry. 

For frying it may be used over and 
over ; frv fish then eggs. The flavor of 
one article is not carried to the other. 

Use one-third less than your recipe 
calls for of Lard and Butter. Think 
of the economy. 

WRITE US DIRECT FOR FREE RECIPE BOOK 

GUNNS LIMITED, 


WEST TORONTO 


DOMINION SUGAR CO. 


limited 


The Famous 

Dominion Crystal Sugars 


WALLACEBURG 


CHATHAM 


KITCHENER 


PERRIN’S 

DAIRY CREAM SODAS 


FRESH and CRISP 


Your Dealer Sells Them 


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TEE CANADIAN RAILROADER 




Railroad Men 


ARE YOU SUBJECT TO 

ACCIDENTAL INJURY OR SICKNESS? 

IF SO, 

See our ACCIDENT SICKNESS POLICY designed 
specially for Railroad Men. 

PROMPT SETTLEMENT OF CLAIMS 

Dining the past two years we have settled over five thousand claims 
and over 94% of these were paid within one day 
of the receipt of proof. 

The Dominion of Canada Guarantee & Accident Insurance 

j Oldest and Strongest Canadian Casualty Company ' ’ 

Col. A. E. GOODKRHAM, President 

C. A. WITHERS, Managing Director J. L. TFRQITAND, See.-Treasur 

Head Offices: TORONTO 

SPECIAL RAILROAD AGENTS: 

THOMAS McGOVERN, Montreal, Que. G. E. LAVOIE Quebec, 

J. E. KENT Winnipeg, Man. H. COKER Toronto, 


T r r T II Are Most Important 

I LL I II ToYourHEALTH 

===== SAVE THEM ! ===== 

OUR MODERN METHODS 
OUR SCIENTIFIC EQUIPMENT 
OUR EXPERT DENTISTS 

will contribute to your welfare, if you only come and let ps examine 

your mouth. 

Our Bridge-Work, Gold or Porcelain Crowns, Metal or Rubber Plate 

— -— ARE THE BEST= 

We specialize in the treatment of PYORRHOEA. — Our Prices are most moderate 

NEW YORK DENTAL COMPANY, LIMITED 

“The Efficient Dentists ” 

288 ST. CATHERINE STREET WEST, MONTREAL 

£ Doors East of the Princess Theatre. 



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TflE CA A T A D1AN H A 1 LEO A DEE 



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